Thomas Danyell

- there are a number of contemporary Thomas Danyells that might be confused with each other and with the one described here - Thomas Danyell dyer of London, Thomas Danyell mason of the Tower, Thomas Danyell of Walsoken Norfolk and various Thomas Danyells in Cheshire.

- see the amazing site created by Ian Rogers for references to various Thomas Daniels.

- 1365 John Daniel son of William Daniel married Ellen daughter of William de Agden - they had son Thomas Daniel - he had daughter Ellen married to William Venables of Agden - see ORMEROD/1/408.

- 1379 12/3 William Danyell of Deresbury - GRANT by Robert de Sutton to Hugh de Gropenhale and Margery his wife, their heirs and assigns, of a messuage, curtilage and 4 butts of land in the township of HALTON (boundaries). Witnesses: Brother Richard del Wyche, then prior of Norton, Thomas de Dutton, Laurence de Dutton, son of the said Thomas, Kts., Robert de Pilkynton, then seneschal of Halton, - de Aston, William Danyell de Deresbury, Peter Jannesson, Robert le Golds(m)yth,... Given.. next after the feast of St. Gregory the Pope, 1378. - These documents are held at Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies ServiceNote. This document is in poor condition and some words are missing. - [no title] DCH/E/96.

- 1395 25/3 William Daniel - Grant, for life, to the king's servant William Danyel of 10l a year from the issues of the county of Nottingham - By ps - at Westminster - see PATENTRichard-2/5/559.

- 1398 10/10 William Danyell of Deresbury - Letters patent containing grant to William Danyell, of Deresbury, whom the King has retained by him for the life, of 100s. yearly, to be paid out of the Exchequer at Chester during his life, or till the Kig direct otherwise. Sealed with the seal of the Exchequer at Chester. Chesh. - National Archives Kew - E40/195

- 1400 1st Henry 4 - Between William Danyel, the elder, and Clemence, his wife, plaintiffs, and John le Tayllour, of Bold, and William Cooke, of Bolde, deforciants of 4 messuages, 80 acres of land, 40 acres of turbary, 100 acres of pasture, and 11 shillings of rent in Sutton, Eccleston, and Raynhill. John and William acknowledged the tenements to be the right of William Danyel and Clemence, his wife, for their life, after their decease to remove to William Danyel, the younger, and the heirs of his body. - at Lancaster - From: 'Lancashire Fines: Henry IV', Final Concords for Lancashire, Part 3: 1377-1509 (1905), pp. 60-70. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=52566 - Dodsworth's MSS., Bold Deeds, vol. cxlii, f. 242.

- 1400 1st Henry 4 Nicholas de Atherton, Richard del Crooke, of Whithull, Mathew de Tyldeslegh, John de Radclyf, William Danyel, (fn. 16) Robert de Urswyk, Thomas Horne, William le Botiller, and others. - Fines Paid For Various Writs Of Different Dates. (Duchy of Lancaster, Chancery Roll no. 4. Deputy Keeper's 33rd Report, App. no. 1, pp. 1–3.) - From: 'Lancashire Fines: Henry IV', Final Concords for Lancashire, Part 3: 1377-1509 (1905), pp. 60-70. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=52566

- 1402 Monday after St. James the Apostle, 3rd Henry 4 - SealCounterpart of demise by William Danyell to Alice late the wife of Ranulph de Merbury of two parts of the manor of Over Walton, with two parts of the land thereto belonging in Over and Nether Walton, from the day of date to the full age of Hugh son and heir of the said Ranulph; rent, 26s. 4d. at Midsummer and St. Martin in winter. Witnesses:—Richard de Aston, knight, William Danyell the younger, Lawrence de Aston, John de Merbury, John de Hallum, and others (named). Over Walton - 'Deeds: A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 5 (1906), pp. 77-93. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64433 - Chester A11022

- 1415c Thomas Danyell or Thomas Daniel born, second son of William Daniel of Daresbury Cheshire - see WEDGEWOOD

- 1417 John Walden died 1417, Idonea his widow held Denham Norfolk until her death 5 Henry 6 - his heirs were Roger Greneford son of his sister Joanna and Nicolas Danyell son of his sister Alice - note Edmund Danyell was "of Denham in 1490s but that is probably a coincidence - see IQPM/5-Henry-5 - see MORANT/246.

- 1419 Richard Danyell dyer of London - see CLOSE/Henry-4/4/41-2.

- 1423 Thursday after Midsummer day 10th Henry 5 Grant by William Danyell of Dersbury, to John of Stanley, knight, of the custody of all the lands etc in Halsnade, sometime belonging to Nicholas the Norres of Halsnade, within the parish of Prestecote, which he held in chief of the said William, in whose hands they now are by reason of the minority of Thomas son of Thomas of Wetherby, cousin and heir of Nicholas, together with the marriage of the said Thomas - 'Deeds: A.5601 - A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 3 (1900), pp. 199-212. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64335 - Lancaster A5631

- 1423 1/3 1st Henry 6 - John Danyell of Deresbury - Scope and content Grant by Thomas Hallum of Newton, gentleman, to John Danyell, esquire, son and heir of William Danyell, lord of Deresburye, for his life, and to Jonetta, his wife, the grantor's daughter, in tail, of a messuage in Newton and all his lands there called 'le Pelecroft', 'Brend Garth', 'Pryors Feild', 'les Holtes', 'Oxehey', 'Hammondes Heyes', and 'Hallum meadowes' viz. 'le Greate meadowe', 'le Lyttle meadowe', and 'le Upper meadowe', together with 'le Grenehey', 'Byrchleyhey' and 'Pyckeringes Heyes'; also another messuage etc in Newton, and land called 'le meane hey' in Hatton by Deresburye; with remainder to the right heirs of the grantor. Witnesses:- Richard and Edmund Danyell, knights, brothers of the said William, and others (named): Chesh. Endorsed: 'An entaile dede fro[m] Hallum to Danyers' - National Archives Kew - E40/5649.

- 1424 Monday before Christmas day, 2nd Henry 6 - Grant by William de Grymesdiche, to William Danyel of Dersbury, of all his lands etc in Neuton near Dersbury, with common of pasture. From: 'Deeds: A.5601 - A.5700', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 3 (1900) by H. C. Maxwell Lyte (editor), pp. 199-212. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64335 - Chesh A5630.

- 1427 John Walden died 1417, Idonea his widow held Denham Norfolk until her death 5 Henry 6 - his heirs were Roger Greneford son of his sister Joanna and Nicolas Danyell son of his sister Alice - note Edmund Danyell was "of Denham in 1490s but that is probably a coincidence - see IQPM/5-Henry-5 - see MORANT/246.

- 1433 Robert Danyel died seized of this manor [Ridley] be descent after the death of his mother Alice. Alice was second wife of John Daniel of Gropenhall - IQPM - - see ORMEROD/2/159.

- 1434 11 February, 12th Henry 4 - Bond by Hamo le Massy of Potynton to John de Osbaldeston in 100l. due at Easter next, conditioned for his observance of the award of John Savage, Matthew (Mayo) del Mer, Richard de Manley and William Danyell touching the matters in dispute between them - 'Deeds: A.8701 - A.8800', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 4 (1902), pp. 348-361. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64402 - Cheshire A8759.

- 1434 - William Danyell of Daresbury suretie in Recognisance Roll.

- 1435 Nicholas Danyell - 15th June, 13th Henry 6 - Bond by Hugh Venables, baron of Kynderton, and Nicholas Danyell, of Dersbury, esquire, to King Henry VI, in 380l 14s. 6d. at Christmas, conditioned for the observance by Nicholas of covenants in indentures dated at Westminster, 8 June, 13 Henry VI, between the king and himself - 'Deeds: A.12301 - A.12400', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 5 (1906), pp. 281-306. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64446 Chester A12330.

- 1435 13th Henry 6 - William Danyell of Daresbury obtained by fine from Richard son of Peter de Dutton knight and Margaret his wife the manors of Upton and Fraunkeby. From this it is most probable that Margaret de Warrewk married secondly Richard de Dutton and after her death the manors passed to her son and heir George Bold - see ORMEROD/2/483.

- 1438 William Daniel of Lymme and his three sons John, William and Richard Daniel mentioned in a entail - see see ORMEROD/1/357.

- 1440 Thomas Danyell in the royal household 1440-1461 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1440 Daniel entered the royal household in 1441-2, and within five years had become an esquire of the body. - see CASTORBnote-207 - see JAMES122.

- 1440 30/11 Thomas Danyel - Grant to the king's servants, Thomas Danyell, Thomas Est, John Slyfirst, Robert Savage and William Jankyns of three 'pakkes' of wool of the the growth of Berkshire, a 'corfe' of wool fells and a barrel of tallow which John Maynard of London, 'fysshemonger', lately found concealed in a secret and suspicious place at Merlaweskey in the parish of St Michael and ward of Qwenehythe London, contrary to the Statute in that behalf, which are forfeited to the king and are appraised at 40 marks; on surrender by them of letters patent, dated 11 October last, which are invalid because only the portion above described of the wool, cloth, kersey, fells, hides, 'thrommes', and tallow, of the value of 100 marks, purported to be conveyed by the surrendered letters, was really forfeited to the king - by K Dated etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/3/493.

- 1440s Suffolk's 'management' of the king's authority from the late 1430s had considerable implications for the earl's regional influence, since he enjoyed a degree of access to the powers of the crown which made his local control almost unassailable - Although see extracts from chapter 4.4 for Thomas Daniel's use of his lesser but independent access to the king's authority to challenge Suffolk's regional hegemony during the 1440s - see CASTORA/94.

- 1440s The household esquire Thomas Daniel, for example, has often been identified as a member of Suffolk's 'court clique'. It has been assumed that any prominent member of the household in the 1440s and especially one who secured royal office in East Anglia, must have been closely associated with the apparently all-powerful duke. [note 209:This was certainly the case until the mid-1450s. For later years of the reign, see below pages 183-4.] However, the element most evident in Daniel's involvement in the region is in fact his opposition to the de la Pole affinity. Norfolk, who had failed to secure independent access to the powers constituted by the royal household, seems to have identified this political rarity, a household man who owed nothing to Suffolk, as a potentially valuable ally ... - see CASTORA/120&note-207&note:209.

- 1441 Thomas Danyell obtained Frodsham for life as one of the King's henxmen 5/1441 - see WEDGEWOOD253-5 - see PRIVY/v/144.

- 1441 Richard del Wodde became the bailiff, and continued such bailiff until the nineteenth year of the King's reign, when the King granted the manor to Thomas Danyell, esquire, of Frodsham, for his life ; but on the I4th May, 19 Henry VI., the King issued this supersedeas of his former order : " Henri, etc To John Troutbek, chamberlain of Chester greting : How be it that now late we commaunded you by oure Ires undre our prive seel to make undre our seel of Chester being in your keping oure Ires patentes of graunte to our Squier Thomas Daniell, son [it does say sone in text of book but maybe original said one - needs checking] of our hexman (Exon ?), for terme of his life of the manoir of Frodesham with the appurtenaunces in the countee of Chestre, the which as we were at that time enformed passed not in yerely value xx.li., and moreover for to execute our lettres undre the signet of the Egle and alsoe our Ires under our prive signet of our armes, yet for asmoche as sith our said graunt we have bene credibly enformed that the said manoir with the appurten' is of much greater value than xx.li. we charged you therefore to bring and deliver unto us and oure counsaill the said Ires of our graunt the which ye have to doe, whereof and alsoe that yf ye have not executed them after our first commaundements by our said Ires we hold you fully excused, quitted, and discharged agenst us for ever, and we charge you that by vertue of the said Ires ye late ne thing passe our seid seel. And for asmoche that we considre wel the good service that the said Thomas hath doon unto us and shall doe in tyme to come we have therefore of our grace speciale graunted unto him xx.li. by yere to have it, and take it during his life of the issues, prowfetes, and revenues comyng of the said manoir of Frodesham with the appurten', by the hands of receivours, fermours, baillifs, or occupyours of the said manoir for the tyme being at the termes of Seint Michel and of Estre by even portions. Wherefore we wol and charge you that upon this oure graunt that ye doo make our Ires patentes undre our seel of Chestre being in your kepeing in due fourme. Yeven, etc at Shene." On i8th May, 8 Henry VI. (1430), the King appointed William Lancastre to be the mower of his manor of Frodsham during pleasure, and to have with it the accustomed fees and rewards. (Ches. Records.) On I5th October, 14 Henry VI. (1435), the King let to farm, to John Wilkinson, of Dunham, his fishery of Frodsham, called Le Warthes, lately held by Thomason, of Ince, to hold for the term of twelve years, at the rent of 13^. ^d. a year. (Ib.) In 18 Henry VI. (1440), Ralph Torfote, of Frodsham, a minor, son and heir of John Torfote, and a ward of the King, died, and by his inquisition post-mortem it was found that he died seised of the same office of sergeant, warden of the gaol, and of lands in Overton held by grand sergeanty that his father had held, and that William Torfote, his cousin, aged thirty, was his next heir. (Hist. Ches., II., 29 n., Helsby's ed.) It is evident from these inquisitions that the Castle of Frodsham was used as the gaol of the manor, and that the office of being its constable was then hereditary. In 21 Henry VI. (1443), John Danyell appears to have been bailiff of Frodsham. From 19 Henry VI. (1441)10 31 Henry VI. (1451), Thomas Danyell, esquire, farmed the manor of Frodsham for his life, at the rent of 30 a year. On loth April, 32 Henry VI. (1454), Thomas Danyell being then dead, the King granted the manor to his own uterine brother, Edmund of Hadham, Earl of Richmond, father of that Earl of Richmond who displaced King Richard III. from his throne, and whom that King hated so very much that his very name excited his anger, as is shown by many passages in the tragedy of " Richard III." :- An Account of the Ancient Town of Frodsham by William Beaumont (online).

- 1441 Manor of Frodsham - held by Edmund Earl of Richmond uterine brother of Henry 6 1430-1455 - also held by Torfit family - John Daniel was bailiff of Frodsham 1441-2 - see ORMEROD - see HARLEIAN/2037.

- 1444 Thomas Danyell, master and surveyor of the King's forests in Cheshire 3/1444 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1444 11/2 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant to the king's esquire Thomas Danyell of the keeping of all the lands late of Henry Mellys, tenant in chief, in the king's hands by his death and the minority of John his son and heir, with the marriage of the heir, during the said minority, from 1 December last, sustaining the houses, closes and buildings and supporting all other charges - By ps etc - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/238.

- 1444 1/3 Thomas Danyel - Appointment, for life, of the king's esquire Thomas Danyell as master and surveyor of all the king's forests, chases and parks in the county of Chester, to hold himself or by deputies, with the wages, fees and profits to the office pertaining and a competent pasture for one horse and three mares with their foals in all and each of the premises at all times of the year; and grant to him of the punishment of all foresters and ministers and other persons in any wise offending within the same, and mandate to the verderers, parkers and their deputies and other officers and ministers to be intendant to him - By ps etc - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/256 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1445 Thomas Danyell - Thomas Danyell distributing allowances etc in Cornwall - see FINE/1445-52/324.

- 1445 homas Danyel - Thomas Danyell and others in Cornwall distributing allowances etc to counties and knights coming to Parliament - see FINE/1445-52/330.

- 1445 6/2 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant to the king's serjeant Thomas Danyell, esquire, of the ward and marriage of John, son and heir of James Bruyn late of Stapilford, county Chester, tenant in chief by knights service as of the county of Chester, and of the keeping and ward of all lands, rents, reversions and services in the king's hands after the death of James by reason of John's minority, and of all possessions falling in to John during his minority, and so from heir to heir - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/328.

- 1445 6/2 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant to the king's serjeant Thomas Danyell, esquire, of the keeping of the lands late of James Bruyn of Stapilford, county Chester, as above - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/332.

- 1445 15/2 Thomas Danyel, chamberlain of Chester - Grant, for life, to the king's serjeant Thomas Danyell, esquire, of the office of chamberlain of Chester, with the usual wages, fees and profits, to hold himself or by deputy immediately after the death of John Trowtebeke, now chamberlain; and if John have offended or offend, Thomas shall enter the office - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/333.

- 1445 Thomas Danyell, Chamberlain of Chester 2/1445-1450 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1445 Thomas Danyell, MP for Cornwall 1445-6 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1445 Thomas Danyell, Usher of the Chamber at coronation of Queen Margaret - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1445 Thomas Danyell, MP for Buckinghamshire and Bedwin 1447 (though Christian name missing) - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1446 Thomas Danyel - Thomas Danyell and others in Cornwall distributing allowances etc to counties - see FINE/1445-52/31.

- 1446 Thomas Danyel - Thomas Danyell and others in Cornwall distributing allowances etc to counties and knights coming to Parliament - see FINE/1445-52/36.

- 1446 Thomas Danyel - grant to Thomas Danyell, the king's esquire, of tenement or cottage lying within town of Scotford in place called Halewaterryse Grevis - see FINE/1445-52/47.

- 1446 4/11 Thomas Danyel - Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk - see FINE/1445-52/57.

- 1446 1/6 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant, for life, to the king's esquire Thomas Danyell of two parts of the lordship or manor of Troughtebek, county Westmoreland, with all their appurtances and a parcel of waste land called 'Wendrandermer Holme' in the water of Wenrandermer, to hold from Martinmas last at the rent of 17l 8s 6d - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/399.

- 1446 1/6 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant, for life, to Sibyl Haukeston of 20l yearly out of the issues of the subsidy and ulnage of cloth and pieces of cloth for sale and of the moiety of the forfeiture thereof in Somerset, from Michaelmas last, and to Thomas Danyell, king's esquire, for life of 20l from the farms of two parts of the lordship or manor of Troghtebek, county Westmoreland, with divers, lands adjacent thereto, and of a parcel of waste land called Wyndrandermerholme in the water of Wyndrandermer, and of two parts of all the lands in the lordship, manor or hamlet of Subtusmylnbek, two parts of the herbage of the close called Calfgarth, county Westmoreland, and of the fishery of the water of Wyndrandermer and of all the king's lands in the town or hamlet of Appilthuayt in the parish of Wynandermer, county Westmoreland, demised of late to the said Thomas at farm for life; grant also to him, his heirs and assigns, of the reversion of two parts of the herbage and pannage of the park of Troughtebek with 'wyndfall and browsyng', which Henry Waryn has of the king's grant for life for 40s a year at farm, and of the reversion of the third part thereof, which Jacquetta, duchess of Bedford, holds in dower for life, to hold at the rent of 40s a year; in lieu of a grant to Sibyl of 40l a year by letters patent dated 29 June, 16 Henry VI, surrendered - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/440-41.

- 1446 10/6 Thomas Danyel, esquire - Grant to the king's esquire Thomas Danyel, his heirs and assigns, of a yearly rent of 6l 10s paid by Reynold Byggynges for the farm of two parts of all the lands in the lordship, manor or hamlet of Under Milnbek and of two parts of the herbage of the close called Calgarth, county Westmoreland, parcels of the lordship of Kendale, committed to the said Reynold for a term of seven years, to have during the said term, and of the king's fishery of the water of Wynandremere and all the king's lands in Appylthwayt in the parish of Wynandremere, with the nomination to the church of Wynandremere and the chapel of St Mary within the water of Wynandremere, county Westmoreland. Grant also to him, as above, after the said term, of the remainder of the said two parts and of the third part, which Jacquetta, duchess of Bedford, holds in dower for life, at a rent of five marks a year: in lieu of a grant by letters patent dated 4 May last surrendered - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/453.

- 1446 14/6 Thomas Danyel - Grant to the king's esquires Thomas Daniell, usher of the chamber, and Edmund Montford, of the office of master of the game of all parks and chaces in Warwickshire and Staffordshire and of steward of all lordships in those counties, in the king's hands by the death of the same duke [Henry Duke of Warwick], to hold as above [during minority of Duke's heiress] - By K etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/433.

- 1446 14/6 Thomas Danyel - Grant to the king's esquires Thomas Daniell, usher of the chamber, and Edmund Montford, of the office of master of the game of all parks and chaces in Warwickshire and Staffordshire, in the king's hand by the death of the said duke [Henry Duke of Warwick] to hold as above [during minority of Duke's heiress] - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/436.

- 1446 Daniel first intruded into the affairs of East Anglia in November 1446 when he secured his appointment to the shrievalty; in the following two years he also appeared on the commission of the peace in Norfolk. By 1447 his first appearance in the Paston letters demonstrate both his growing importance in area, and the fact that he was already challenging, rather than reinforcing, Suffolk's regional influence. In a letter probably written in the summer of 1447, Edmund Paston described how 'Steward, the chiffe constable' had 'enqueryd me of the rewle of myn master Danyell and myn lord of Suffolke, and askyd wheche I thowte schuld rewle in this schere, and I seyd bothe, as I trowth, and he that suruyuyth to hold be the uertue of the suruyuyr' . The fact that Daniel's appearance in the region involved the acquisition, in dubious circumstances, of estates whose rightful owners were closely involved with the de la Pole affinity ensured that his relations with Suffolk's men would be hostile and confrontational. - see CASTORA/120&notes:210-1.

- 1446 22 Henry 6 - John Danyell of Daresbury - Scope and content Agreement, indented, by John Danyell of Daresbury with Richard Starky of Stretton on the marriage of Thomas son and heir of John Tochet late of Lower Whitley, his ward, with Maud, daughter of the said John Danyell: Ches. - National Archives, Kew - WALE 29/128.

- 1446 'enquired about rule of my master Danyell and my Lord of Suffolk' - to John Paston from brother E Paston - see PASTONA/1/147.

- 1446 Thomas Danyell, as King's Squire had grants in Westmoreland including Troutbeck - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1446 Thomas Danyell, sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk 1446-7 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1446 Thomas Danyell, JP Buckinghamshire 20/8/1446-4/8/1453 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1446 Thomas Danyell with Edmund Montfort, masters of the game in all parks of Warwickshire and Staffordshire - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1446 If there was no prospect of securing help from the Duke of Suffolk, John [Paston] needed to look for alternative sources of lordship - and there were precious few on the horizon. In theory, the Duke of Norfolk, John Mowbray, should have been able to offer some support, given that he too held a massive East Anglian estate. In practice, though, Norfolk was struggling to make any political impact at all in a region so overwhelingly dominated by his rival Suffolk - besides which, his ambitious but ill-judged efforts to assert himself in local politics had so far proved almost laughably incompetent. In any case, what John Paston desperately needed was access to the very top of the political hierarchy, if he were to have any hope at all of standing up to enemies who could call on the towering figure of Suffolk as their patron. Given the peculiarities of Henry VI's government [1448], that meant finding a patron of his own at court, someone who had direct access to the malleable King but owed nothing to Suffolk, and might therefore be able to circumvent the Duke's apparent stranglehold on royal authority. Luckily for John, he already knew the man he believed he needed: an esquire of the royal household named Thomas Daniel - see CASTORB/45.

- 1446 Daniel was originally from Cheshire - see GRIFFITHS/Henry-6/369.

- 1446 Daniel, who was originally from Cheshire, arrived in East Anglia in the autumn of 1446 through one of the most outrageous acts of fraud perpetrated even in this increasingly flexible political world. The victims of this chicanery were the Woodhouse family of Roydon near King's Lynn. Henry Woodhouse, the head of the family, was the son of one of Henry V's closest aides - so close that the King himself stood godfather to his young Woodhouse namesake. Henry Woodhouse was not the politician his father had been, however, and he had made little impact in the wider world by the time he began negotiating a marriage for himself in 1446. The bride on whom he set his sights was Thomas Daniel's sister Elizabeth. Woodhouse was so keen to secure the match that he handed over his estates in trust to Daniel before the wedding took place, in preparation, presumably for a resettlement on the happy couple once they were married. As soon as Daniel's name was on the deeds, however, he broke the news to Woodhouse that Elizabeth was already married to someone else. Daniel himself, meanwhile, had no intention of giving back the lands. Henry Woodhouse was distraught, but there was little he could do. Technically, he had handed over the estates to Daniel of his own free will, and Daniel lost no time in expoiting his access to the King to reinforce his new East Anglia power base. In November 1446 he secured his own appointment as sheriff for Norfolk and Suffolk - an office for which, as a landholder in the region, he was now of course well qualified - and five months later obtained royal permission to fortify 'his' manor house at Roydon - see CASTORB/45-6.

- 1446 Robert Howard knight of Stoke Nayland Suffolk younger son by his father's second marriage, born about 1384, married after 21/2/1420-1, to Margaret Mowbray daughter of Thomas Mowbray knight KG 1st Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Nottingham, Earl Marshal by his second wife Elizabeth daughter of Richard de Arundel and Surrey [see Mowbray 7 for her ancestry]. They had one son John, KG [Duke of Norfolk] and two daughters Margaret (wife of Thomas Daniel esquire) and Katherine. Margaret's [Margaret Mowbray] maritagium included the manors of Hinton Cambridgeshire and Chipping Kineton Warwickshire. She was a legatee in the 1420 will of her step father Gerard Usflete knight. Sir Robert Howard died before April 1436 (date of his father's will). His widow Margaret married secondly before 1/7/1438 as his second wife, John Grey knight KG (died 27/8/1439) of Ruthin, Denbighshire, Badmondisfield Suffolk, Captain of Gournay [see Grey 8] 2nd but eldest surviving son and heir apparent of Reynold Grey knight 3rd Lord Grey of Ruthin by his first wife Margaret daughter of Thomas de Roos knight 4th Lord Roos of Helmsley. She received a papal indult for a portable alter 3/8/1446. She died shortly before 18/10/1459 - see MAGNA/111.

- 1446 John Paston released Congham Manor to Thomas Daniel esquire and his heirs - Thomas Daniel was lord in 1448 - Henry Wodehouse was lord in 1475 and Sir Edmund Wodehouse in 1479 - see BLOMEFIELD/8/383.

- 1446? John Paston released Grimston Manor to Thomas Daniel esquire and land in Rydon and Wellhall - also involved Henry Wodehouse - see BLOMEFIELD/8/443.

- 1446 20/8 Thomas Danyel - Thomas Danyel commissioner of the peace for Buckingham - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/4/467.

- 1446 14/9 Thomas Danyel - Grant in survivorship to the king's esquires, Thomas Danyell and Edmund Mountfort, of the offices of keeping the manor and park of Chaylesmore, county Warwick, to hold themselves or by deputies, with the usual wages, fees and profits, immediately after the decease of William Stalworth, esquire - By K etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/6.

- 1446 16/9 Thomas Danyel - assets of heiress of Henry, Duke of Warwick reassigned to her grandfather the earl of Salisbury, but without prejudice to offices granted to James Fenys, John Norreys, John Wenlock, Thomas Danyell and Edmund Mountford - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/1.

- 1446 29/12 Thomas Danyell - Grant in survivorship to the king's serjeants, Thomas Danyell and Edmund Mountford, esquires, of the office of steward of the lordship of Chaylesmore, county Warwick, to hold themselves or by deputies, with the usual wages, fees and profits, and the herbage and pannage of the park of Chaylesmore, at a rent of 40s, as William Stalworth, esquire, deceased, rendered - By K etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/27.

- 1446 26/11 Thomas Danyell - John Paston son and heir of William Paston late of Norfolk to Thomas Danyell esquire and his heirs. Quitclaim of the manors of Well halle, Grymston, Rydoun and Congham county Norfolk dated 20/11 25 Henry 6 - memnorandum and acknowledgement 26/11 - see CLOSE/443.

- 1446 George Danyel - king's sergeant George Danyell, lordship of Eulowe [Eulands] in county of Flynte with lands etc for 40 years paying to Exchequer of Chester - see FINE/1445-52/24.

- 1446 4/11 George Danyel - Escheator of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire - see FINE/1445-52/58.

- 1447 3/5 25th Henry 6 - Bond by John Doune of Utkynton, and Thomas Dutton of Dutton, esquires, Laurence Starky of Northwyche, and Geoffrey Starky of Stretton, gentlemen, to Thomas Danyell, esquire, for 10l - 'Deeds: A.5601 - A.5700', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 3 (1900) by H. C. Maxwell Lyte (editor), pp. 199-212. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64335 - Cheshire A5626.

- 1447 11/3 Thomas Danyel - Grant in survivorship to Thomas Danyell and John Troutebek, king's esquires, of the office of remembrancer of the king's part in the Exchequer, to hold themselves or by deputies with the usual wages, fees, profits and rewards, as William Warde, chaplain, had the same - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/33.

- 1447 17/3&30/10 Thomas Danyel, commissioner of the peace for Buckingham - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/587.

- 1447 Thomas Danyel - MP for Buckinghamshire and Bedwin - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1447 Thomas Danyel - of Castle Rising, squire for the king's body, letter to him from R Wenyngton - see ADD-MSS43491/f7.

- 1447 The manors of Rydon, Grimston, Congham and Gayton in western Norfolk had been the central estates of the Wodehous family in the early years of the century, and John Wodehous's stewardship of the nearby duchy of Cornwall lordship of Castle Rising reinforced this territorial interest. It was at Rydon that Alice Wodehous married Thomas Tuddenham in 1418, and that John Wodehous died in 1431. The latter's heir, Henry, intended to use these manors to provide a jointure for his propective bride, Elizabeth Daniel, and so required his feoffes to grant them in trust to Elizabeth's brother Thomas. Once title to the estates had been legally transfered to Daniel, however, Henry Wodehous discovered that Elizabeth had already married. Daniel then had refused to restore the manors to Wodehous, and was clearly expoiting his access to the king to reinforce his position. In April 1447 the king's esquire Thomas Daniel was, for his good service, granted leave to fortify his manor of Rydon, together with the hereditary right of free warren in all his estates at Rydon, Grimston, Congham, and Well Hall in Gayton. A year later it was reported in Norfolk that he was out of favour at court and that, whether as cause or consequence, Suffolk's ascendancy was unchallenged. By September 1448, however, Daniel's political fortunes had clearly recovered, since he was able to secure a grant of the reversion of the stewardship of Castle Rising; unusually, he seems to have acquired control of the lordship immediately - see CASTORA/120-1&note:214&note:217.

- 1447 Presumably with the co-operation of Ralph, Lord Cromwell, who had a life grant of the office. The grant to Daniel, which again was hereditary, included the offices of constable of the castle and warden of the chase within the lordship - CPR 1446-52 203 PL Davis ii 34 Gairdner ii 137 - see CASTORA/note:217.

- 1447 Wodehous's feoffes included Sir Thomas Tuddenham, Si John Clifton, and Oliver Groos - see Rot Parl v 340-1; and CCR 1447-54 354-5 - It is not clear when the negotiations for Wodehous's marriage to Elizabeth Daniel took place. Blomefield reports that Henry conveyed the manors to Daniel during 1449-50, but Daniel was apparently in possession much earlier (see CChR 1427-1516 80). As Blomefield also notes, John Paston had released his rights in the estates to Daniel in November 1446. If Paston was one of Wodehous's feoffes, this may have formed part of the settlement for the proposed marriage. The date seems plausible, since it was in 1446 that Daniel held office (as sheriff) in the area for the first time - Blomefield History of the County of Norfolk viii 383 428 443 CCR 1441-7 443 - For Daniel and the Pastons see pages 140-1 - see CASTORA/note:214.

- 1447 William Berkeley, knight, and Nicholas Poyntz, esquire; and John [de Mowbray] duke of Norfolk, Edward Gray and James Ormounde, knights, Thomas Danyell, John Howarde, John Wyngefelde, Robert Wyngefeld and William Brandon esquires. 5 June 25 Hen. VI Whereas James Berkeley, lord of Berkeley, knight, lately demised at farm to William and Nicholas the manor of Portbury (Som.), with all his other lands in the said county, for a term of 40 years starting at Whitsun 18 Hen. VI [15 May 1440], William has granted to John and the others his status in the said land. [Please quote GC4259 at Berkeley Castle Muniments when requesting this file].These documents are held at Berkeley Castle Muniments[no title] BCM/A/2/77/16 [1447].

- 1447c Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Daniel of Wigan married Richard de Torbock - see MAGNA/111.

- 1447c daughter of Thomas Daniell of Wigan married Sir Richard de Tarbok, Lord og Tarbok - see BAINES.

- 1447 Thomas Danyell with John Troutbeck, Kings Remembrancer of the Exchequer 3/1447-1450 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1447 Thomas Danyell for good service had permission to inclose and crenelate Roydon by Castle Rising 4/1447 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1447 Grant of special grace, for good service, to Thomas Daniell, king's squire, that he may enclose his manor of Ridon, county Norfolk with ditches and walls and crenellate and fortify the same with stone and mortar and hold the same so enclosed and fortified to himself and his heirs, and that he may enclose 600 acres of marsh, 200 acres of pasture, and 100 acres of meadow at Ridon with a ditch and pailings and impark the same, and so hold it to him and his heirs of free warren in all their demesne tenants? of their manors of Ridon, Grymston, Congham, Wellerhalle and Holt etc etc - see CHARTER/vi/80&page:244.

- 1447 Thomas Danyell out of favour with Duke of Suffolk - see WEDGEWOOD - see PASTON/i/68-70

- 1447 Thomas Danyell, JP Norfolk 19/12/1447-9/10/1450 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1447 ?/7 Thomas Danyell commanded to go to sea with his posse (as sheriff) - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1447 Thomas Danyell voyaged to Brittany with advance of £100 from Sir John Fastoff - see WEDGEWOOD - see PASTON/i/363.

- 1447 From John Danywell of Lyme to John Huyde of Norbury, the marriage of Geffray, his son and heir apparent, to be married to Peronell, daughter of the said John Huyde before the feast of St Michael next 11 Sep 1447 - jointures and marriages 1359-1642 - Cheshire West and Chester DLT A/1/19.

- 1447 19/12&8/5 Thomas Danyel, commissioner of the peace for Norfolk - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/592.

- 1447 Thomas Danyell - Thomas Fawconer of Norwich skynner to Thomas Danyell esquire, William Hylle of the chancery and others regarding land in Norwich - see CLOSE/21.

- 1448 16/4 Thomas Danyel - Licence, for 100s paid in the hanaper, for John, Duke of Norfolk, to grant to John, archbishop of Canterbury, Humphrey, duke of Buckingham, Thomas, bishop of Ely, William, bishop of Winchester, Adam, bishop of Chichester, John, earl of Shrewsbury, Robert, lord of Willughby, Henry Inglose, knight, Thomas Danyell, Edmund Stapilton, Henry Bradfeld, clerk, Edmund Mille, Edmund Fitz William, John Tymperley and Thomas Bataill and their heirs the manors and lordships of Staverton, Bungay, Soham, Earls, Walton, Framlyngham and Hoo with the hundred of Lose, county Suffolk, South Walsham with half the hundred of Ersham, county Norfolk, Boseham, Brembre, Mechyng, and Brightelmeston, county Sussex, Reygate, county Surrey, Fenystanton, county Huntingdon, and all his house in the parish of St Mary Somerset, London, with all the lands, rents, reversions, services, knights' fees, advowsons, courts, liberties, franchises and rights pertaining to the same, held in chief, and the remainder of the manors and lordships of Haneworth, Suthfeld, Erham or Erham and Fornescote, county Norfolk, Chesterford, county Essex, Todenham and Strogoill in Wales and the march of Wales, held in chief, which Katherine, duchess of Norfolk, his mother, holds in dower for life of his inheritance with reversion to the duke - By K etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/145.

- 1448 8/9 Thomas Danyel - Grant to the king's esquire, Thomas Danyell, and the heirs of his body, of the remainder of the offices of constable of the castle of Risyng, county Norfolk, and warden or forester of the chace or warren of the lordship of Risyng and steward of the same lordship, after the death or surrender of Ralph, lord of Cromwell, who has the same for life; taking the same wages, fees and rewards as Ralph now has - By K etc - at Canterbury - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/203.

- 1448 15/12 Thomas Danyel - Grant to the king's esquire, Thomas Danyell, usher of the chamber, of a piece of cloth inwoven with gold containing 15 yards, a piece of 'velvet' figured with black containing 15.25 yards, a piece of black 'satin' containing 15 yards, 2 chests with 2l of gold, 3 ticks of feather beds with the bolster thereof and 2 dozen black skins of 'bogye', forfeited of late in the port of London - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/210.

- 1448 Thomas Danel esquire makes Roger Ashton rector of ? - see BLOMEFIELD/8/388.

- 1448 Daniel had not only defrauded a gentleman out of his entire inheritance, but then decided, with breathtaking chutzpah, to use the estates as a base from which to challenge the Duke of Suffolk in his own backyard. His methods were unappealing - particularly for a family [the Pastons] who were themselves victims of a courtier [Lord Moleyns with John Heydon] helping himself to a Norfolk estate [Gresham] - but the prospect of a court insider who might allow them to mobilise royal support against their opponents proved too much for the Pastons to resist, and in the spring of 1448 John Paston showed no qualms about attaching himself to Daniel. 'I pray you that you will vouchsafe to send me word how you speed in your matter touching Gresham, and how Daniel is in grace,' Margaret wrote in April to her husband, who had just left Norwich for London, adding, 'I pray you that I may be recommended to my lord Daniel.' It was not yet clear how successful their new patron would prove to be in chipping away at Suffolk's regional dominance, and Margaret at least was anxious. 'It is said in this country that Daniel is out of the King's good grace,' she reported, 'and he shall down, and all his men and all that be his well-willers. There shall be no man be so hardy to do neither say against my lord of Suffolk, nor none that belong to him; and all that have done and said against him, they shall sore repent them.' But it was not that easy for the Duke, at the head of a regime beset by problems at home and abroad, to see off Daniel's persistent and focused ambition in one small corner of his empire. By the summer of 1448, Daniel's success in thumbing his nose at Suffolk was causing much local comment, and the Pastons were doing what they could to encourage others to follow their lead in joining him. Edmund Paston, back in Norwich after completing his legal studies in London, reported to his brother that a local official had 'inquired me of the rule of my master Daniel and my lord of Suffolk, and asked which I thought should rule in this shire, and I said both, as I trow, and he that survives to hold by the virtue of the survivor, and he to thank his friends and to acquit his enemies. So I feel by him he would forsake his master and get him a new if he thought he should rule.' That was certainly what John wanted to hear - as was Edmund's optimistic afterthought: 'And so I think much of all the country is so disposed'. - note says date of quotes more likely to be 1448 than 1447 - see CASTORB/46 - see PASTONA/79&128.

1448 Danyell out of favour with king - letter from Margaret Paston to John Paston - PASTONA/1/222-3.

- 1448 'I pray you that you will vouchsafe to send me word how you speed in your matter touching Gresham, and how Daniel is in grace,' Margaret wrote in April to her husband, who had left Norwich for London, adding, 'I pray you that I may be recommended to my lord Daniel.' 'It is said in this country that Daniel is out of the King's good grace,' she reported, 'and he shall down, and all his men and all that be his well-willers. There shall be no man be so hardy to do neither say against my lord of Suffolk, nor none that belong to him; and all that have done and said against him, they shall sore repent them.'
'It is told me that he that keeps your sheep was outlawed on Monday at the suit of Sir Thomas Tuddenham', Margaret reported to her husband in April 1448, 'and if it be so you are not like to keep him long' - see PASTONA/128.

- 1448 'inquired me of the rule of my master Daniel and my lord of Suffolk, and asked which I thought should rule in this shire, and I said both, as I trow, and he that survives to hold by the virtue of the survivor, and he to thank his friends and to acquit his enemies. So I feel by him he would forsake his master and get him a new if he thought he should rule.' 'And so I think much of all the country is so disposed' - see PASTONA/79.

- 1448 Despite all their hopes, however, it gradually became clear during the summer that the Pastons' alliance with Daniel was producing very little in the way of practical benefit. It was perhaps always likely that an opportunist as ruthlessly self-serving as Daniel would have little energy to spare for other people's troubles. The further problem was that, however unrewarding Daniel's lordship was turning out to be, it also came at a price. By identifying themselves with Daniel and supporting his unsavoury behaviour, the Pastons involved themselves in a much wider web of rivalries and hostilities than simply their own fight with John Heydon. They already knew that Heydon had friends who could help to make their lives unpleasant - the recent incident with John Wyndham in the street in Norwich had made that all too clear - but through their association with Daniel they invited even more hostile attention - see CASTORB/46-7

- 1448 Daniel had probably seen the inept Henry Woodhouse as an easy target, but Woodhouse was not without allies of his own. His brother-in-law Sir Thomas Tuddenham was a powerful man who held major offices both at court and in Norfolk, a trusted adviser of the Duke of Suffolk, and a close friend of John Heydon. Remarkably, Tuddenham's marriage had broken down in a very similar way to Heydon's own, when his wife, Henry Woodhouse's sister Alice, gave birth to a son as a result of an affair with her father's chamberlain. Unlike Heydon, Tuddenham put himself through the public humiliation of a divorce, but like his friend he remained on good terms with his estranged wife's family. Despite his closeness to Heydon, Tuddenham had not previously concerned himself with the Pastons, but, once they had associated themselves with Daniel's appalling treatment of his brother-in-law, Tuddenham joined the campaign of harassment which the family and their servants and tenants now faced. 'It is told me that he that keeps your sheep was outlawed on Monday at the suit of Sir Thomas Tuddenham' , Margaret reported to her husband in April 1448, 'and if it be so you are not like to keep him long' - see CASTORB/47 - see PASTONA/128.

- 1448 During the divorce hearing, Thomas and Alice [Tuddenham] both testified that they had not consummated their marriage during the seven years they lived together. Alice confessed that the father of her baby was Richard Stapleton, a Woodhouse servant, with whom, she said, she had sex only once. The baby died soon after birth. Alice entered a convent, where she remained until her death fifty years later. Tuddenham never remarried. The hostility between Daniel and Tuddenham, and the rivalry between Heydon and the Pastons, became further entangled when Heydon's father-in-law Edmund Winter married Tuddenham's mother-in-law Alice Woodhouse after she was widowed in 1431 - see CASTORB/4 - see CASTORB/notes:3/16-17 - see VIRGOEA. .

- 1448 John [Paston] was becoming deeply frustrated. Moleyns's men were living in his manor house at Gresham and collecting rents from the tenants there, and Daniel had so far failed to do anything at all to help. In June, John sought arbitration in the case through the good offices of William Wainfleet, the Bishop of Winchester, a proposal to which Moleyns declared himself amenable, although with no result...... - see CASTORB/47.

- 1448 .... He [John Paston] tried to impress a lawyer at the papal court in Rome, whose advice he wanted, by sending word that 'my lord of Winchester and Daniel owe goodwill to the part that he shall labour for' but the truth was that the Bishop of Winchester had not been able to persuade Lord Moleyns to the negotiating table, and Thomas Daniel was a chancer who looked after no one but himself. Even one of their tenants at Swainsthorpe had heard as much, Margaret told John after a visit to the manor in May: 'he said he supposed that D. would do for you, but he said he was no hasty labourer in no matter. He said by his faith he knew where a man was that laboured to him for a matter right a long time, and always he promised that he would labour it effectually, but while he sued to him he could never have remedy of his matter' - see CASTORB/54 - see PASTONA/135.

- 1448 Thomas Danyell - mention of Danyell and Lord Winchester - see PASTONA/1/55

- 1448 'my lord of Winchester and Daniel owe goodwill to the part that he shall labour for' - see PASTONA/37.

- 1448 'he said he supposed that D. would do for you, but he said he was no hasty labourer in no matter. He said by his faith he knew where a man was that laboured to him for a matter right a long time, and always he promised that he would labour it effectually, but while he sued to him he could never have remedy of this matter' - see PASTONA/135.

- 1448c Daniel, who has aptly been described as politically the 'most supple' of the household esquires [E F Jacob descrives him [Daniel] as 'politically ambidextrous'], was clearly prepared to exploit a variety of associations, but in the context of East Anglian politics his first affiliation was with the duke of Norfolk. Norfolk does not seem to have played any part in Daniel's initial appearance in the region, but by 1448 their association was sufficiently close for Daniel to become a feoffee in the Duke's East Anglian lands. The combined opposition of these two men - one excluded from the structures of power through which Suffolk's control was maintained, the other a member of the very establishment through which Suffolk's power was constituted - was clearly not enough to undermine the rule of the de la Pole affinity in East Anglia. Nevertheless, it was enough to demonstrate that the affinity could not claim to be universally representative of the region, and in the absence of any possibility of intervention by impartial royal authority, the opposition of those excluded from Suffolk's lordship posed a serious threat to local stability. Indeed, Daniel's involvement in the region demonstrated both the extent of that threat, and the difficulty Suffolk faced in attempting to maintain control of local government on behalf of a king whose power was apparently at the disposal of anyone who could secure access to him. After a decade of Suffolk's rule at the head of a connection which had dominated the region since the beginning of the century, Daniel, a mere esquire with no hereditary stake in the area, had been able to defy the de la Pole affinity to acquire and retain substantial local estates by fraud. In 1447 he was even being discussed as a serious rival to Suffolk's local power. The only basis for Daniel's intrusion into the region was his access to royal authority through his position in the king's household, and his success was an extraordinary demonstration of how vulnerable even the most solidly established political structures could be when they were not underpinned by the independent power of the crown. This vulnerability struck at the heart of the entire edifice of government Suffolk had created. His control of Henry's environment could never be complete, and therefore his rule could always be challenged by anyone who could secure access to the supreme authority of the infinitely malleable king - see CASTORA/122-3&note:221&note:222&note:224&225.

- 1448c The significance of Daniel's challenge to Suffolk's local rule was compounded by the problems in central government which developed during the last years of the decade. The deepening crisis in national affairs, and particularly the surrender of Maine in 1448, seems to have lost Suffolk much of the noble support which had been vital to such legitimacy as his rule could claim in the absence of an active king. This loss of consensus meant that Suffolk's position at the head of government became increasingly embattled. In this context, the exposure of the structural flaws in his authority which Daniel's intrusion into East Anglian affairs represented became even more threatening. At the same time, the breadth of Suffolk's responsibilities meant that he was unable...... - see CASTORA/123-4.

- 1448c Suffolk had attempted, in response to Daniel's challenge to his regional authority, to reinforce his own local power by extending the influence of the household in East Anglia. This and the involvement of one of his leading retainers in a violent dispute in support of a complete outsider to the region, can only have reinforced the impression (first created by Norfolk's unsuccessful attempt to establish his own lordship) that the virtual strangle-hold on local administration enjoyed by Suffolk's affinity did not adequately reflect the full range of regional interests - see CASTORA/126.

- 1448c ..... wake of the reverses he suffered after his father's death added to the complexity of his family's situation in the late 1440s. Heydon's close association with Suffolk clearly precluded any realistic hope that help might be forthcoming from the quarter, and John Paston's response seems to have been to attach himself to the rival lordship of Thomas Daniel. By 2 April 1448, Margaret Paston was asking her husband 'to send me wurd hw ze spede in zwr mater twchyng Gressam, and hw Danyel js jn grace', and added the request 'that I may ben recommawndyd to my lord Danyel'. The connection was still in place two years later; in May 1450, when a parliament was being held at Leicester, Thomas Denys informed John Paston that 'My Maister Danyell desireth yow thedir' - see CASTORA/139-40&note:294.

- 1448c This relationship raises two important points in relation to the wider analysis of the Pastons' situation in the late 1440s and the status of the evidence provided by the letters. First, though Moleyns's behaviour at Gresham seems to have been both aggressive and unscrupulous, it was equalled if not exceeded in these respects by that of Daniel at Rydon. Therefore, though the Pastons were victims of one courtier intruding into the region in the increasingly disordered circumstances of the late 1440s, they were prepared to offer their support to another who was inflicting the same kind of treatment on another prominent Norfolk family. This is not a conclusion which it would be easy to draw from the letters; perhaps unsurprisingly, the Pastons themselves give little sense of the activities of their 'lord Danyel', which can only be pieced together from other evidence. Secondly, their association with Daniel involved the Pastons in a broader pattern of conflict within the region. Daniel's duplicity over the Rydon estates, in which John Paston was prepared to offer him support, earned him the enmity not only of Henry Wodehous but also of Wodehous's brother-in-law Thomas Tuddenham. Paston's support for Daniel, and Tuddenham's association with John Heydon, meant that the conflict caused by Daniel's incursion into western Norfolk and that precipiated by Paston expansion in the north of the shire would necessarily become intertwined, a connection reinforced by the fact that Heydon's father-in-law Edmund Winter had married Tuddenham's mother-in-law Alice Wodehous after she was widowed in 1431. In other words, by the time the Paston letters begin to survive in significant numbers, what had been a dispute over the competing local interests of the Pastons and the Winters in northern Norfolk had become a broader conflict in which Thomas Daniel and the Pastons were pitted against Thomas Tuddenham and John Heydon - see CASTORA/140-1&notes:295-6.

- 1448c For which see above in pages 120-1. Daniel's claim to Rydon seems to have been wholly fraudulent; William Worcestre reports that in 1454 Henry Wodehous decided to demolish the manor house rather than risk it falling into Daniel's hands again: Harvey (ed) Wocestre: itineraries page 253 - see CASTORA/note:295.

- 1448c In November 1446 Paston released to Daniel his right in the manors of Rydon, Grimston, Well Hall, and Congham, which suggests that he might have been a feoffee for Wodehous. This quitclaim may simply have formed part of the settlement for the proposed marriage between Elizabeth Daniel and Henry Wodehous, or, given that it is not a general quitclaim on behalf of a group of feoffees, it may represent evidence of Paston's willingness to collude with Daniel's fraud. Whatever the significance of this particular deed, it is clear that Paston was supporting Daniel in his possession of the properties in the late 1440s. see CCR 1441-7 page 443 - see CASTORA/note:296.

- 1448c Read in this context, the letters describe not the hijacking of local power structures by an exploitative court clique, but a comprehensible local dispute rendered unusual in its scope and implications by the wider political context of the years 1447-50 and by the involvement of the 'intruders' Daniel and Moleyns. Nor does this evidence support the charge that the duke of Suffolk was systematically abusing his power in the region. Suffolk's interventions in the East Beckham dispute in 1438 and 1443 seem, so far as is possible to tell, to have been studiedly impartial. Further, it is striking that he was apparently unable or unwilling to force a settlement. This - unlike the conflict resulting from the duke of Norfolk's attempts to establish himself in the area - was a dispute within the political network of which Suffolk had inherited the leadership. Though this should in theory have put him in a position to arbitrate effectively, it is important to note that this was a network which had been established through close associations with the public authority of the crown and with the king's private local interests in his capacity as duke of Lancaster. Suffolk was, of course, having to manage both of these manifestations of royal authority in the region on behalf of the king, and his success in establishing himself at the head of the crown-Duchy network played a crucial part in allowing him to fulfil this complex role. However, the peculiarities of this situation may, even before the crisis years of 1447-50, have meant that Suffolk was not able to be as authoritative as might be expected under normal circumstances in the exercise of his lordship over his own servants and associates, who played such a crucial part in sustaining his hybrid power in the region in the absence of an active king. The dispute between William Paston and Edmund Winter was therefore essentially left to take its course. Until 1444, that meant success for the greater political and professional resources of Judge William; after his death, it meant that his son could find little answer to the increasing local influence of John Heydon - see CASTORA/141.

- 1448c Certainly, it is Heydon, not Suffolk, who appears to be the villain of the piece from the Pastons' point of view. Heydon and Tuddenham are together the targets of the Pastons' hostility between 1448 and 1451 - significantly the point at which Heydon-Paston and Tuddenham-Daniel disputes had become intertwined - but by 1455, when the Pastons were no longer unequivocal supporters of Daniel, John Paston was still struggling against 'Heydon and his dyscyplis' but was prepared to remark of Tuddenham that 'he gaff me no cawse of late tyme to labor ageyns him'. Though Suffolk's power is reported to be overwhelming - as in Margaret Paston's famous remark that 'sondery folkys haue seyd to me that they thynk veryly but if ze haue my lord of Suffolys godelorchyp qhyll the werd is as itt is ye kan neuer leven jn pese wyth-owth ye haue his godelordschep' - he is not explicitly the target of the Pastons' complaints. It is possible that it would not have been easy to criticize members of the nobility directly even in private correspondence; even so, it is perhaps worth quoting in full the passage from which Margaret's remark is taken. In a letter to her husband in May probably of 1449, she writes: And I haue spokyn wyth the sexteyn and seyd to hym as ye bad me that I xuld don, and he axid me ryt feythfully hw ye sped in zowr materys. I told him that ze haddyn fayre be-hestys, and I seyd I hopyd that ze xuld don rytz well ther-jn; and he seyd he supposyd that D. wold don for zou, but he seyd he was no hasty laborere jn non mater. He seyd be hys feyth he wost qhere a man was that laboryd to hym for a mater ryth a long tym, and alwey he be-hestyd that he wold labore itt effectualy, but qhyll he sewyd to hym he kowd never haue remedy of his mater; and than, qhan he thowth that he xuld no remedy haue to sew to hym, he spak wyth Fynys that is now Speker of the Parlment, and prayid hym that he wold don for hym jn his mater, and zaf hym a reward, and wyth-jnne ryth schort tym after his mater was sped. And the sayd sexteyn and other folkys that ben yowre ryth wele willerys haue kownselyd me that I xuld kownsell zou to maken other menys than ye haue made to other folkys that wold spede yowr materys better than they haue don thatt ye haue spoken to ther-of be-for this tym. Sondery folkys haue seyd to me that they thynk veryly but if ze haue my lord of Suffolkys godelorchyp qhyll the werd is as itt is ye kan neuer leven jn pese wyth-owth ye haue his godelordschep. Therfor I pray you wyth all myn herth that ye wyll don yowre part to haue hys godelordschep and his love jn ese of all the materis that ye haue to don, and jn esyng of myn hert also. For be my trowth I am afferd ellys bothen of these materys the qhyche ye haue jn hand now, and of othere that ben not don to yett but if he wyl don for zou and be yowr godelord - see CASTORA/141-3&note:299.

- 1448c PL Davis i 236 and Gairdner iv 75 (where the letter is misdated to 1463). It could be argued that, if Margaret felt the need to articulate this point explicitly in a letter to her husband as late as 1449, Suffolk's power could not have been as all-consuming as has sometimes been supposed; Paston must have felt he had a realistic hope of effective help from other quarters - presumably, and, by this evidence, misguidedly, from Daniel - if he needed to be told the advice of 'sondery folkys' that they thynk veryly' that Suffolk's was the only lordship worth having - see CASTORA/note:299.

- 1448c Several points emerge from this passage taken as a whole. First, Thomas Daniel - 'D' - is clearly not providing the help for which the Pastons must have hoped in their attempt to counter the influence of Heydon and reclaim Gresham from Moleyns. Second, the duke of Norfolk is not even mentioned in the context of the Pastons' need for effective lordship - something which reinforces the suggestion that he remained a fairly marginal figure in the politics at least of Norfolk, if not of the region as a whole, in the late 1440s. But, third, it is also clear that Margaret at least does not see Suffolk as the malign force behind the manoeuvres against her family. Though she may believe that 'qhyll the werd is as itt is ye kan neuer leven jn pese wyth-owth ye haue his godelordschep' , she counsels not despair but an attempt to win 'hys godelordschep and his love jn ese of all the materis that ye haue to don'. This may well have seemed something of a forlorn hope in view of the close association between the duke and their enemy Heydon, but it was clearly not beyond the bounds of possibility in the way that it surely would have been the Pastons seen Suffolk either as the cause of their misfortunes, or as a figure so compromised by his leadership of a corrupt clique as to render Heydon's activities indistinguishable from the effects of the duke's lordship - see CASTORA/143.

- 1448c Falstalf therefore became a target for household men who saw opportunities for themselves in East Anglia in the volatile circumstances of the late 1440s. A further problem facing him was that - as the Pastons discovered when they looked to Daniel for lordship - the search for allies by either side in a conflict might lead to disputes becoming interconnected - see CASTORA/150.

- 1448c It has already been suggested that the significance of the challenge to Suffolk's rule at a local level represented by the duke of Norfolk and in particular by the household esquire Thomas Daniel in the late 1440s was compounded by the fact that Suffolk's position in central government was at the same time becoming increasingly embattled because of growing divisions over foreign policy - see CASTORA/152.

- 1448 Thomas Danyell, Constable of Castle Rising 9/1448 (which was held by Howard family from 1544) - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1448 Thomas Danyell as King's Squire and Usher of Chamber given Christmas grant of piece of blue cloth interwoven with gold Dec 1448 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1448 Thomas Danyell - Thomas Bamme etc to Thomas Danyell, Edward Ellesmere, Thomas Lute, etc regarding land in London - see CLOSE/35.

- 1448 Thomas Danyell - John Bragges of Wellyngton Salop chapman to Thomas Danyell esquire, William Danyell clerk, and others of London - see CLOSE/54.

- 1448 Danyell made admiral - though not recorded in state papers - letter from Margaret Paston to John Paston - see PASTONA/1/234-5

- 1448 8/5 Thomas Danyel - on a commission of the peace for Norfolk - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/592.

- 1448 (1) John [Stafford] archbishop of Canterbury, Humphrey [Stafford] duke of Buckingham, Thomas [Bourgchier] bishop of Ely, William [Waynflete] bishop of Winchester, John [Talbot] earl of Shrewsbury, Robert Lord Willoughby, Henry Inglose, knight, Thomas Danyell, Edmund Stapilton, Henry Bradfeld, clerk, Edmund Mille, Edmund FitzWilliam, John Tympley and Thomas Batvylle; (2) John Wylne, prior of Repton, John Monmouth, John Holford and Walter Brokhamton; (3) Humphrey [Stafford] duke of Buckingham, Thomas Lord Roos, John Lord Lisle, Ralph Lord Sudeley, Henry Inglose, knight, and Richard Wallet, esquire. 26 Nov. 27 Hen. VI - The archbishop and the others (1) give power of attorney to the prior and the others (2) to deliver seisin of the manors of Bretby and North Pidill to the duke of Buckingham and the others (3). [This was possibly part of a settlement on John (VI) de Mowbray's wife Eleanor Bourchier; Humphrey Stafford was Eleanor's half-brother.] These documents are held at Berkeley Castle Muniments [no title] BCM/D/5/9/5 [1448] [Please quote SC598 at Berkeley Castle Muniments when requesting this file].

- 1449 Thomas Danyell of Castle Rising squire of the King's Body - letter from R Wennington - [exploits of fleet recounted] see British Library MSS 43491 folio 7.

- 1449 27/7 Thomas Danyel - Commission to the king's esquire, Thomas - see PASTONA/135., appointing him to go with his posse on the sea for the safe keeping thereof, with full power to lead, rule and govern all master and mariners and others of his company and to punish the same, and to fight the king's enemies - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/270.

- 1449 Ralph Lord Cromwell was constable of Rising Castle in the reign of Henry 6. The said King in his 27th year granted to Thomas Daniel esquire the office of constable, keeper of the forest, chace or warren then held by Ralph Lord Cromwell on the death of the said lord dated 8/9. This Thomas was afterwards made a knight and married Margaret daughter of Sir Robert Howard and sister of John the first Duke of Norfolk of that family. In 34 of Henry 6 Thomas Lord Scales had patent to be governor - see BLOMEFIELD/9/54.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell, Squire of the Body 1449 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell heads list of voters for Hertfordshire - Thomas Danyell, Squire of the Body - see WEDGEWOOD - see ISSUE/Easter-27/Henry-VI/775.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell has letter from Robert Wennington recounting exploits of the fleet - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell, MP for Buckinghamshire 1449 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell, adherent of Duke of Suffolk - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell included in a song - Pasquinades of Suffolk - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell exempted from Act of Resumption 1449-50 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell entered Brayson (belonging to Osbert Mountford) and given Castle Rising by King - see PASTON I 117 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Thomas Danyell, deputy to Duke of Suffolk as Steward of Lancaster beyond the Trent - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1449 Ac etiam dux et ducissa Suffolchiae, episcopus Sarum (scilicet Askewe) dominus de Saye, Thomas Danyell, Johannes Saye, et multi allii indicat, sunt de proditione in Gwyhalde Londoniae - see CHRONICLES/henry-6/2.2/768.

- 1449 In eodem parliameule ducissa Suffolciae acquietata est per pares suos, et Johannes Say et Thomas Daniel et allii perjurali de proditione, unde indicati fuerunt tempore insurrectionis - see CHRONICLES/henry-6/2.2/770.

- 1449c Thomas Danyell, Constable of Castle Rising - see RAPER.

- 1449c Unless Suffolk was to put a permanent guard on the king, there was no means of stopping others, beyond those who were authorised, getting to the king and persuading him to append his sign. Even a permanent guard could be suborned because the rewards were so obvious and so easy to obtain. An instance of a relatively lowly household employee who rose rapidly at this time is Thomas Daniel, henchman in 1440, king's esquire by 1444 and recipient of large numbers of grants. Probably using Castle Rising in Norfolk as his power-base, by the late 1440s he was even alleged to be challenging the power of the duke of Suffolk in Norfolk. That in itself shows how it was possible to construct an independant power-base through access to the king. Instances of the grant of the same office or piece of land to two different people are another indication of the ease with which almost anything could be obtained from the king. A notable example .... Another example is one of Daniel's grants; he was given a fine owed to the crown by someone who had founded a chantry without the royal licence required for making all grants to the church. When Daniel discovered that the money had already been paid to someone else, he was able to obtain reimbursement from the financially hard-pressed crown to the tune of £100 - see CARPENTER/107.

- 1449 Thomas Danyel - Thomas Danyell esquire and others in Buckingham distributing allowances etc to counties and knights coming to Parliament - see FINE/1445-52/121&127.

- 1449 30/10 Thomas Danyel - 30 Oct - on commission of the peace for Oxfordshire - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/387.

- 1449 mention of Danyell - letter to John Paston - see PASTONA/1/236.

- Thomas Danyell - before 24 September 28 Hen. VI. at which time was enrolled in the exchequer of Chester a grant to Thomas Danyell, esq. of the custody of the lands of the late sir Peter Gerard, knight, until Thomas his son shall be of age ; and 20th of February same year, was enrolled a mandate for assignment of dower to his widow Isabella - see ORMEROD/2/306.

- 1450 Thomas Danyel - to Thomas, lord de Scales, knight, Thomas Tudenham, knight, Andrew Ogard, knight, John Wymondeham and Margery his wife, Edmund Bokenham esquire, William Grey esquire, John Tympelegh esquire, Reynold Row, John Fyncham, to mainprise of John Haydon of Norfolk, Thomas Danyell of London, gentleman, keeping manor of Babyngley Norfolk temporarily - see FINE/1445-52/183-4.

- 1450 26/4 Thomas Danyel commisioner - Commission of oyer and terminer to Richard Wydevyle of Rivers, knight, John Prisot, Thomas Danyell, John Say, Thomas Tresham and Thomas Thorp, appointing them to make inquisition in the county of Northampton touching all treasons, felonies, rebellions, insurrections, riots, routs, congregations, conspiracies and unlawful gatherings committed by John Harries of Teryngton on the Hill, county York, 'shipman' - at Leicester - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/383.

- 1450 23/5 Thomas Danyel commisioner - Commission of oyer and terminer to William Lovell, knight, Robert Hungerford of Moleyns, knight, John Fortescu, knight, William Yelverton, Richard Byngham, Robert Shottesbroke, knight, John Nores, Thomas Danyell, Richard Quatermayns, Drew Barantyn and William Marmyon, appointing them to make inquisition in the county of Oxford touching the complaint of certain of the king's lieges in the county, that Humphrey Stafford, late of Grafton, county Worcester, esquire, son and heir of Humphrey Stafford, late of Grafton, knight, Thomas Burdet late of Arowe, county Warwick, esquire, John Trussell, late of Byllisley, county Warwick, esquire, Richard Beauchamp late of Grafton, 'gentilman', Thomas Bayle and Roger Horseman, late of Oseley, county Warwick, 'yoman', .....lay in wait to slay certain the king's lieges, wounded them and carried away their goods to no small value and committed other trespasses and riots - for 20s paid in the hanaper - at Leicester - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/386.

- 1450 Henry Wodehouse esquire conveyed lordship of Geytonwellhall (Mintling) by fine to Thomas Daniel esquire 28 Henry 6 and land in Wells Grimston and Congham - see BLOMEFIELD/8/428.

- 1450 Margaret married Danyel and married Sir William Daniel knight and Catherine married Neville as sisters of Robert Howard [should be daughters] - see BLOMEFIELD/5/244.

- 1450 For others, such as Thomas Daniel, the situation was more complicated. As a prominent member of the court, Daniel had been a target of fierce hostility in the wake of Suffolk's fall, but he was no friend of the Duke's, and in the summer of 1450 saw the possibilty of manoeuvring for his own advantage as well as the need for self-defence. He had been friendly with the Duke of Norfolk for a couple of years already, and now began to cultivate an acquaintance with John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, whose Norfolk home at Winch was only a couple of miles from Daniel's fraudulently acquired house at Roydon. All in all, these developments could scarcely have seemed more positive for John Paston. His connections with Thomas Daniel had been little use before this point, but the alliance of Daniel with Oxford, who had at least been sympathetic when he visited Gresham in the previous year, and the association of both men with the Duke of Norfolk and Margaret's cousin Fastolf, seemed a great deal more promising, especially given that Suffolk's death had left the Paston's enemies Heydon and Lord Moleyns suddenly vulnerable. After two years of struggle, whatever the chaos that surrounded him, it finally seemed possible that John might find a way to expel Moleyn's men from his property - see CASTORB/62.

- 1450 Meanwhile, Thomas Daniel's view of the situation was almost entirely different. John [Paston] and his patron [Daniel] could hardly have been more tempermentally mismatched. All John's instincts reinforced his belief that due process of law would eventually vindicate the rightfulness of his position, whereas the law seemed at best an irrelevance to Daniel's policy of anarchic self-interest. Having succeeded with so little apparent difficulty in taking over the Woodhouse estates at Roydon, Daniel set his sights next on the manor of Bradeston in eastern Norfolk, halfway between Norwich and Yarmouth. Bradeston belonged to the Berneys of Reedham, the family of Margaret Paston's mother Margery. The head of the family, Margaret's oldest Berney uncle Thomas, had died nine years earlier, leaving his young son as his heir. Thomas's widow Elizabeth remarried, and Bradeston and the other Berney estates were therefore temporarily in the custody of her new husband Osbert Mundford. Daniel had no more claim to Bradeston than he had to Henry Woodhouse's property at Roydon, and this time he did not even bother to resort to quasi-legal subterfuge. Unabashed by the venemous criticism of grasping courtiers at the parliament which met at Leicester in May 1450. Daniel sent his men to occupy Bradeston while parliament was still sitting. It took three months before Mundford succeeded in recovering the manor, on 6 September, with the help of John Heydon. In fact, it was this expedition to expel Daniel's men from Bradeston which resulted in Heydon's indictment for attempting insurrection at Norwich that day. As Heydon himself explained later in court, he had gathered twenty-six armed men - defensibly armed, he pointed out - to assist him in his capacity as a justice of the peace in helping Mundford recover Bradeston, and had simply ridden through the city on his way to the manor - see CASTORB/65-6 - see PRO KB27/28 Rex rot. 9.

- 1450 Mundford's success in thwarting Daniel's aggression encouraged Henry Woodhouse to feel that he too might at last stand a chance of recapturing his own house at Roydon. Daniel himself was occupied in London, but persuaded a servant of the Earl of Oxford named Thomas Denys to take command at Roydon on his behalf. Denys, whom John Paston knew slightly, was an impulsive man of great energy and very little judgement. A year earlier, trying to be helpful, Denys had come up with a strategy to expel Lord Moleyn's men from Gresham, but in view of his tendency to act first and think later it was perhaps not surprising that John was unethusiastic. ('Thomas Denys asked me why you observed not the purpose that he moved you of for the removing of the strength at Gresham, etc,' James Gresham told John in October 1449; 'he would it should be done.') By 4 October 1450, Denys himself was bitterly regretting that he had ever agreed to help Daniel at Roydon. Henry Woodhouse was gathering forces on all sides of the manor with the help of his brother-in-law, Heydon's friend Thomas Tuddenham, but Deny's own lord, the Earl of Oxford, had refused to send help against them. Denys appealed frantically to John Paston for support - 'I think if they get the place upon me there helps my life no pardon' - and invoked their shared enmity to Heydon and Tuddenham as a cause for common defence. 'If you help not now', he wrote in a desparate postcript, 'Tuddenham and Heydon shall achieve in their dis-ease the conquest that they could never achieve in their prosperity'. For all the history of hostility between Heydon and John Paston, and for all John's hopes of help from Thomas Daniel, the recent trouble at Bradeston was more than enough to warn him off trying to help Denys defend Daniel's occupation of Roydon. Osbert Mundford and the Berneys were old friends and relations - close enough that Margaret was godmother to Mundford's daughter Mary - and, if Heydon had helped to expel Daniel from their property, then that, at least, had to be a mark in his favour to set against the long list of Paston complaints. - see CASTORB/66-7 - see PASTONA/447&459.

- 1450 'Thomas Denys asked me why you observed not the purpose that he moved you of for the removing of the strength at Gresham, etc,' James Gresham told John in October 1449; 'he would it should be done.' - see PASTONA/447.

- 1450 'I think if they get the place upon me there helps my life no pardon' 'If you help not now', 'Tuddenham and Heydon shall achieve in their dis-ease the conquest that they could never achieve in their prosperity' - see PASTONA/459.

- 1450 There was another reason, apart from events at Bradeston, why John Paston's adherence to Thomas Daniel was under strain. In the autumn of 1450, a new hope appeared amid the political chaos in the person of Richard, Duke of York, one of the greatest magnates in the realm and a close relative of the King. Where King Henry was descended from the third son of his ancestor Edward III, York was descended in the male line from Edward III's fourth son - and until such time as the young and so far childless Queen gave her husband a son, that made York the heir to the throne. The Duke was also descended, through his mother, from the second son of Edward III. Although there could be no serious suggestion that a claim through the female line might supercede the authority of the annointed King, this concentration of royal blood in his veins gave York confidence that he could speak for the realm more authoritatively than any other nobleman. In 1450, there was much to speak about. York had spent years fighting to defend the English conquests in France, until in 1447 he was appointed the King's lieutenant in Ireland, an office which he took up in person in the summer of 1449. Despite the fact that he had been involved in policy-making throughout the 1440s, his absence from both England and France at this specific point in 1449-50 - during both the catastrophic losses in France and the subsequent terrors of Cade's rebellion - allowed him to claim that his hands were clean in the aftermath of the disasters, as few other noblemen could. When he returned to England in early September, he aligned himself immediately with the House of Commons in denouncing leading members of the court for their destructive greed and evil councel, and presented himself as the champion of reform in the interests of the 'common weal' of the realm. '....my lord was with the King, and he visaged so the matter there that all the King's household was and is afeared right sore', Jostice Yelverton's clerk William Wayte told John on 6 October; 'and my said lord has put a bill to the King and desired much thing, which is much after the Commons' desire, and all is upon justice'. With parliament in session, the extent to which York could call upon widespread support from the gentry and leading townsmen was plain, and under his influence a number of the most hated members of the royal household, including Thomas Daniel, were formally charged with treason. The implications were not lost on John Paston and his friends. 'Sir, speak to Denys that he avoids his garrison at Roydon', Wayte adviced John urgently, 'for there is none other remedy but death for Daniel and for all those that are indicted' - see CASTORB/67-8 - see PASTONA/460.

- 1450 '....my lord was with the King, and he visaged so the matter there that all the King's household was and is afeared right sore', 'and my said lord has put a bill to the King and desired much thing, which is much after the Commons' desire, and all is upon justice' 'Sir, speak to Denys that he avoids his garrison at Roydon', 'for there is none other remedy but death for Daniel and for all those that are indicted' - see PASTONA/460.

- 1450 'no remedy but death for Danyell and for all at Rydon' - letter from William Wayte to John Paston - see PASTONA/2/48

- 1450 .... Just as John Heydon's role in helping Osbert Mundford reclaim the manor of Bradeston was parlayed into an armed riot in the indictments which John Paston helped frame, John's own attempts to ensure that Norwich's grievances were well represented at the Lynn hearings were seized on by his old rival John Wyndham..... - see CASTORB/73.

1450 - Wingfield was named in a Commons petition to the parliament of 1450 together with others including the duchess of Suffolk, as one of those who 'hath been mysbehavyng aboute youre Roiall persone'. The fact that Thomas Daniel (for whom see extracts from pages 120-3) was one of the others named indicates that this was not a specifically de la Pole group ... - see CASTORA/114.

1450 - This usurpation of the traditional area of Wodehous interest immediately brought him into conflict with members of the de la Pole affinity, notably Thomas Tuddenham, whose own estate at Oxburgh lay nearby, and whose early career owed much to his guardian and father-in-law John Wodehous. By October 1450, when Thomas Denys was charged with holding Rydon 'for Danyels sake' against a group of gentlemen who included Thomas Tuddenham and Henry and John Wodehous, he alleged 'that this was the first porpose of Tudenham and Heydon whils thei regned, to get this place'. Daniel's aggressive hostility to the de la Pole affinity was further demonstrated by another long-running territorial dispute - his attempt to seize the Norfolk manor of Bradeston from the custody of Osbert Mundford and associates including Thomas Tuddenham - in which he became involved shortly after Suffolk's fall - see CASTORA/121-2&note:219.

- 1450 Denys warned that 'if ye help not now Tuddenham and Heydon shall achieve in their desese the conquest that thei coude neuer achieve in their prosperite'; - PL Davis ii 46 Gairdner ii 173-4 - Tuddenham is also reported to have protected a Gayton man who killed one of the Daniel's tenants there in 1446-7. Also in the autumn of 1450, Daniel was summoned to find security of the peace for his conduct towards Henry Wodehous, but claimed he dared not appear 'owing to the indisposition of divers lieges of the king'. Henry Wodehous's petition in the second parliament of 1455, asking the king to annul the feoffment made to Daniel and to restore his estates, was granted. A proviso was added, however, that Daniel was not to be answerable for any revenues from the lands for the period in which they had been in his possession - PL Davis ii 526-7 Gairdner ii 214 CPR 1446-52 413 Rot Parl v 341 - see CASTORA/note:219.

- 1450c Thomas Danyell married Margaret (sister of John Howard who much later became first Howard Duke of Norfolk) but they were said to have had no issue - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1450c Sir Thomas Daniel married Margaret sister of Thomas or John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk who was killed at Bosworth and had son and heir Edmund Daniel - see HOWARD.

- 1450c Sir Thomas Daniel married Margaret sister of John Howard 1st Duke of Norfolk but had no children - see ST-LOUIS - this cites M Bierbrier for this information - I checked with him to find out why he believed there were no children - his view was based on WEDGEWOOD and the fact that the Irish Barony of Thomas Daniel was not inherited by descendants of Thomas Daniel - this view is contradicted by other sources eg COMPLETE - further below I put the case for and against there being issue.

- see royal-descents.

- 1450c Thomas Danyel - younger son of William Daniel of Daresbury, Cheshire married Margaret, sister of John Howard, 1st Duke of Norfolk - see WEDGEWOOD/233-5.

- 1450c Sir Thomas Daniel, Baron of Rathwire in Ireland, Lord Deputy in Ireland under Edward 4, married Margaret sister of Duke of Norfolk - Acton Place later held by Daniel family - see ADDMSS>/19077.

- 1450c the chronology of the Daniel descent shown below does not rule it out - Margaret Howard and presumably her husband Thomas Danyell would have been born in about 1420 - their son Edmund Danyell (if he was their son) would have been born in about 1450 and died in 1498 - their third grandson Thomas Danyell was born in 1488 and died in 1566.

- 1450c Margaret Mowbray who married Sir Robert Howard, son of Sir John Howard, and begat John Howard first Duke of Norfolk of his name, Lady Catherine Howard married to Edward Nevil, Lord Abergavenny, and Lady Margaret Howard married to Sir Thomas Daniel who in 14th year of Henry 6 was created Baron Raywire in Ireland - quote from BELL - date 14th of Henry 6 should probably have been 14th of Edward 4.

- 1450c Thomas Daniel, the manor [of Burton Pedwardine] was alienated in c1450 and passed to Thomas Daniel and in 1464 to William Hussey who did not live in the village although the parish was known as Hussey around this time - see BURTON.

- 1450 Thomas Danyell, his head and those of Saye Dudley, Trevelyan, Norris etc were demanded by rebellious troops after Cade's victory at Sevenoaks 18/5/1450 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1450 Thomas Danyell denounced by Parliament 1450-1 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1450 Thomas Danyell - his lands in Ireland were granted to Thomas Thomas Danyel armiger versus Henry Wodhouse of the manor of Welles alias Welleshall and Grymston and in Welles, Grymston, Congham, Rydon and Rysing - see FINES/425/28-Henry-6.

- 1450 In September 1450 for example, John Heydon was in a position to help Osbert Mundford recover the manor of Bradeston from Thomas Daniel, who still enjoyed Norfolk's support - In the indictments brought against him in Norwich that autumn Heydon was accused of leading an insurrection, he claimed that the charge was a malicious misrepresentation of his assistance of Mundford - for Daniel and Norfolk and the Bradeston dispute see below in extracts from pages 165-8 and 172 - see CASTORA/157&note:8.

- 1450 This carefully orchestrated campaign allowed Fastolf, under the aegis of Norfolk, and his allies - those who had failed to establish themselves within the de la Pole affinity, or who had come into conflict with the local interests of Suffolk and his men - to exploit popular hostility to Suffolk's leading supporters in order to reinforce a campaign prompted by their personal grievances. Suffolk's place at the head of government undoubtedly allowed his affinity to wield immense power in local politics, power which his followers could and did exploit to promote and enrich themselves, but, as has already been suggested, the Paston-derived picture of the universal oppression of regional society may be misleading. In this context, a document printed by Gairdner which bears the heading 'These be names of men that arne myschevesly oppressed and wronged by Sir T. Tudenham and Heydon and here adherentes' is particularly telling. It forms part of the evidence gathered by the Pastons and their associates during 1450 and 1451 as they sought to demonstrate the wrongs done by Suffolk's men during the preceding decade and to secure the punishment of those responsible, a campaign in which no stone was apparently left unturned, as accusations were brought forward of crimes dating back as far as the late 1430s. The list begins promisingly enough with the names of Fastolf and Justice Yelverton, and rapidly moves through familiar gentry names such as Paston, Berney, and Jenney. However, it is not long before the catalogue loses much of its impetus; names which could have carried only very little weight appear beside the generalised 'Homines de Swafham', and the list concludes with the far from triumphant 'Item, many men indyted in Norffolk and Suffolk be Tudenham and Heydon, etc.' . It is striking that the names cited form a compact group of associates all intimately connected with the Pastons at this point, and who therefore feature prominently in the correspondence. The document seems therefore to support the contention that the grievances which this small group took such pains to present as general and concerned with universal justice were in fact much more specific and personal. In the case of the Norfolk manor of Rydon, for example - the 'conquest' that was 'the first purpose of Tudenham and Heydon whils thei regned' - all the surviving evidence indicates that it was Thomas Daniel's occupation (enforced at least in October 1450 by a 'garyson') which was the usurpation, and that if Tuddenham and Heydon were helping their friend Henry Wodehous to recover the manor, they were not without justice on their side - see CASTORA/164-5.

- 1450 Indeed, overt demonstration of the fact that political manipulation and opportunism were not the sole preserve of the de la Pole affinity is provided by Thomas Daniel's response to Suffolk's fall. Daniel, characteristically, played no part in the lengthy attempts to bring Tuddenham and Heydon to justice for their alleged crimes. Instead, he pursued his policy of self-aggrandizement in opposition to Suffolk's affinity in East Anglia, which had first surfaced in his appropriation of the Wodehous lands, in a policy of direct action. He embarked on a second territorial dispute in which he was again the aggressor and Suffolk's men again defenders of the wronged party. The manor of Bradeston in eastern Norfolk had long been associated with Duchy and de la Pole interests. By the beginning of the century the manor, which had originally belonged to the Caston family, had descended to the Carbonells of Badingham in Suffolk, who were associated with the local crown-Duchy connection through their service to Thomas Beaufort. When Sir John Carbonell made his will in 1423 he left a bequest to his fellow Beaufort retainer William Phelip; four years later Sir John's heir Richard granted Bradeston to Thomas Tuddenham, with whom he too had shared membership of Beaufort's household. Tuddenham's tenure at this point was brief, since Sir Richard's death in 1430 was followed swiftly by that of his son, and the estate passed to John Berney of Reedham, the right heir of the Castons, who settled the manor in 1435 on his eldest son Thomas by a feoffment to trustees who included John Heydon, John Heveningham, Miles Stapleton, and Thomas Brewes. When Thomas died in 1441, only a year after his father, his son was a minor. Custody of Bradeston first passed to the Bishop of Norwich, under whose authority Heydon was acting as steward of the manor in the early 1440s. When the bishop died in 1445 the keeping of the manor was acquired by Suffolk, but by 1447 Bradeston had been granted to a group of trustees including Thomas Tuddenham and Osbert Mundford, the stepfather of the heir John Berney. Daniel's decision to seize the manor, with its immediate importance to key members of the de la Pole connection and its longer association with members of the crown-Duchy network, represented not merely opportunistic acquisitiveness but a profound challenge to the authority of Suffolk's men at a time when they found themselves suddenly vulnerable - see CASTORA/165-7&notes:52-4.

- 1450 Mundford held one third of the manor as part of the dower of his wife, Thomas Berney's widow Elizabeth, and the remaining two-thirds jointly with the other trustees, during the minority of Elizabeth's son John. Suits were therefore brought against Daniel in King's Bench in the names of both Mundford and John Berney. BL Add Roll 26849 mm 32, 37; NRO NCC Reg Doke fos 157-8; Blomefield, An Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk (London 1805-10) vii 217-8 and xi 125; KB27/766 Coram Rege roti 46v, 55v; KB27/770 Coram Rege rot 59v; KB27/790 Coram Rege rot 102v; PL Davis ii 78-9 and Gairdner ii 256-7 - see CASTORA/note:52.

- 1450 The basis of Daniel's claim to Bradeston has proved difficult to recover, but on the evidence of his behaviour over the Wodehous lands, it need not have been substantial. His interest in Bradeston may have been prompted by the fact that Robert Lethum, one of his closest local supporters (for whom, see below, pages 173-4), held lands as of the manor of Bradeston at Wilton-by-Blofield which lay close by. Lethum was consistently in trouble at Bradeston's manorial court from at least 1447 for offecnces such as encroachment and enclosure, and consistently failed to appear to answer the charges, both of which circumstances indicate that he was challenging the authority of the lords of the manor: BL Add Roll 26849 mm 24 32 34 36 37v 39 39v and 40 - see CASTORA/note:53.

- 1450 John Paston's association with Mundford via his relationship with the Berneys meant that, in this dispute, he and the much reviled Tuddenham and Heydon were unlikely allies: PL Davis ii 78-9, Gairdner ii 256-7; Richmond The Paston Family 137 and 155 - see CASTORA/note:54.

- 1450 By April 1450 word had reached Mundford that Daniel intended to claim the property by a forcible entry. Scales, who was shortly to emerge as the new lord of Suffolk's affinity, and whose tenant Mundford was, professed to believe that Daniel was 'come in-to this cuntre for non other cause but for to haue such as the Kyng hath gifen hym in Rysyng', [for Daniel's office at Castle Rising, see above, Chapter4.4 at not 217.] but made it clear that he would act against him if it proved otherwise. Despite Daniel's assurances to Scales that he would 'be wel gouerned in tyme commyng', he entered Bradeston shortly afterwards. On 7 September, Mundford recaimed the manor with the help of John Heydon, and by 6 October William Wayte considered that 'there is non other remedy but deth for Danyell'. However, around this time Daniel was able to secure the support of the earl of Oxford as his pledge for a court summons. Only slightly more than a year later he had recovered his position to such an extent that he was reported to have secured the good lordship not only of the duke of Somerset but also of Lord Scales himself, a development which was rumoured to offer the prospect of an accomodation with Tuddenham and Heydon and even the possibility that 'he shall be suffred to entre in-to Brayston and kepe it'. The agreement, perhaps unsurprisingly, failed to materialize, and in February 1452 Daniel again took the manor by force, this time claiming the support of the duke of York. The latter, however, refused to be implicated in Daniel's ambitions and immediately disavowed any interest in the manor. By the following May all suggestion of a rapprochement with Scales had disappeared. In November 1453 Mundford was back in possession; by 1459 Daniel had apparently been convicted of trespass against Mundford and fined almost £70. The next mention of the matter in the surviving correspondence dates from November 1460, five months after Mundford's execution at Calais, when his family learned 'that Danyell is comen to Rysyng Castell and hes men make her bost that her mastre shal be a-yene at Brayston wythinne shorte tyme' - see CASTORA/167-8&notes:55-63.

- 1450 The entry was made during the Leicester parliament, which was held in May and June 1450: PL Davis ii 35 Gairdner ii 138 PL Gairdner ii 145 256n PL Gairdner ii 145 PL Davis ii 48 Gairdner ii 176 - see CASTORA/note:56&57.

- 1450 Oxford bound himself in 100 marks to produce Daniel in the Wodehous case cited above, Ch 4.4 n 219. The earl was pardoned payment for Daniel's non-appearance: CPR 1446-52 413 - see CASTORA/note:58.

- 1450 Richard Southwell, writing on 18 Dec, remarked further that whethir it be thus or non I can not say. Neuerthelesse me thinketh ye shall sone knowe if Mountford will agree that he shall entre in-to Brayston, and if that be trewe all the remenaunt shall seme the more likly' PL Davis ii 76-7 Gairdner ii 254-5. It is presumably to this brief period that a letter among the Magdalen College MSS should be assigned, in which Scales asks Sir John Fastolf to show his 'goode maistershippe' to John Dowebyggyng (whom Scales describes as 'my servaunt' but who is consistently encountered elsewhere in Daniel's service; see below n85), who had been outlawed for debt because he was bound to Fastolf on Daniel's behalf in the sum of £100. There is no indication in the letter of the year in which it was written, but the date of 8 Jan means that 1452 is plausible, since it falls between Daniel's reported association with Scales in Dec 1451 and his re-entry into Bradeston in Feb 1452, which marked the re-opening of hostilities with the de la Pole connection: Magdalene College Hickling MS 104; PL Gairdner ii 82. - see CASTORA/note:59.

- 1450 PL Davis ii 77-8 Indictments were brought against Daniel by Mundford and John Berney in King's Bench in the Michaelmas term of 1452: see above n52 - see CASTORA/note:60.

- 1450 The bishop of Norwich reported that Scales was well disposed towards John Paston, 'and wol do [for] yow that he can, so that ye wold for-sake Danyell' PL Davis ii 81 Gairdner ii 265 - see CASTORA/note:61.

- 1450 PL Davis i 185 PL Davis i 262 Gairdner iii 53 (where letter misdated 1455); Richmond The Paston Family 155. Daniel's continued tenure of Castle Rising is as obscure as the original grant. On 4 Mar 1456, after Cromwell's death (the point at which Daniel was to have first taken office there according to the terms of his grant, which he had clearly pre-emted), custody of the lands of the lordship of Rising was granted for 20 years to Henry Bourchier and Thomas Sherburne, by mainprise of Henry Tuddenham of Oxburgh; in June of the same year, Scales was appointed to the keeping of the castle, with an instruction that he should live there for its safe-keeping. Nevertheless, in 1457 and 1458 Daniel was still being referred to as 'of Rysyng Castle'. However, note that Daniel apparently abandoned his hostility to Scales and the former Suffolk affinity in the later 1450s. CFR 1452-61 152 CPR 1452-61 287 396-7; PL Gairdner iii 133; see below pp 183-4. - see CASTORA/note:63.

-1450c In this case, as in the dispute over the Wodehous lands, the de la Pole affinity responded to, rather than represented, a policy of aggressive self-aggrandizement. Moreover, this situation seems to be broadly representative of the pattern throughout the 1440s, when - with the notable exception of the assault on Gresham - the worst excesses of disorder were provoked by Daniel's ambition and Norfolk's misjudgements. It would appear, therefore, that the proceedings against Suffolk's servants in 1450-1 represented the efforts of a small group of landowners to obtain redress not for universal wrongs, but for their specific grievances against members of a broad grouping whose longstanding local dominance had been further reinforced by Suffolk's eminence in national government during the 1440s. In the prosecution of these efforts, they looked to the lordship of the duke of Norfolk, for whom the fall of Suffolk represented the opportunity finally to make his claim to regional rule effective. However, just as Fastolf, Yelverton, and their allies were defeated by the resources and resilience of the de la Pole affinity, so Norfolk's success proved to be extremely limited - see CASTORA/168.

- 1450c In this context, it is worth re-examining in some detail a proclamation made by the duke during this period. Norfolk declares that he has been sent by the King to investigate the 'oryble wrongis' that have been reported in 'this contre', and that those responsible will be duly punished. He continues:- Also hit ys opunly puplysschid that serteyne servaunts of the Lord Scales schulde in his name manasse and put men in feer and drede to compleyne to us at this tyme of the seide hurts and greves, seynge that we wolde abyde but a schort tyme her, and aftir our departynge he wolde have the rewle and governaunce as he hath had affore tyme. We lete yow wete that nexst the Kynge our soverayn Lord, be his good grace and lycence, we woll have the princypall rewle and goverance throwth all this schir, of whishe we ber our name whyls that we be lyvynge, as ferre as reson and lawe requyrith, hoso ever will grutche or sey the [contrary]; for we woll that the Lord Scales, Sir Thomas Tudenham, Sir Mylis Stapylton, and John Heydon have in knowleche, thowh our persone be not dayly her, they schal fynde our power her at all tymes to do the Kynge our soverayn Lord servyse, and to support and mayntene yow alle in your right that ben the Kyngs trewe lige men. For hit may non ben seyde nay, but that her hath ben the grettest riotts, orryble wrongs and offences done un thise partyes by the seide Lord Scales, Thomas Tudenham, Mylis Stapilton, John Heydon, and suche as ben confedred on to theym that evir was seen in our dayes... - see CASTORA/168-9&note:65.

- 1450c PL Gairdner ii 258-9. Gairdner suggests that 'the intended royal visit to Norfolk mentioned in the end of this proclamation appears to tally best with the date of April 1452'. Both Storey and Griffiths, however, argue that it should be dated February 1451 and related to Norfolk's appointment as a commissioner of oyer and terminer. Storey, End of the House of Lancaster, 248; R A Griffiths, The Reign of Henry VI (London, 1981) 591n - see CASTORA/note:65.

- 1450 The conventional analysis of Mowbray power in the period - that 'the inherent landed strength and traditional authority of the dukes of Norfolk' were merely 'temporarily eclipsed' by Suffolk's rule during the 1430s and 1440s - suggests that this declaration marks a stage in the natural re-emergence of Norfolk's lordship in the years after 1450, and, incidentlly, forms a rare and useful exposition of the realities of noble power in the localities. However, this rarity may have significant implications for analysis of the particular reality to which the proclamation refers - see CASTORA/169.

- 1450 Norfolk's explicit self-assertion is unique among the Paston letters. Lords may be reported to be more or less powerful in straightforward terms, but in their own dealings with the men of their 'country', noblemen convey their authority obliquely through the tone of their communications, rather than by articulating it directly. It is true that the duke's proclamation is also unusual in that it is a general and public statement at a time of local and national upheaval, which may help to explain his untypically overt approach. Nevertheless, even if his tone is purely a function of the critical nature of the moment, the conclusion must remain that it is the expression of lordship in crisis. Under normal circumstances a lord's authority remained largely unarticulated and undefined, yet implicit in his every word. Here there may be an analogy with the military power of the nobility. The creation and maintenance of lordship depended fundamentally on the ability to raise military support that was inherent in the possession of land. By the late medieval period, however, the maintenance of 'worshipful' lordship depended largely on the manipulation of this power as an implicit force, rather than on its practical implementation. The appearance of a lord at the head of an armed following, as opposed to the worshipful attendance of his retinue, in fact regularly signalled instability within political society, whether it was an attempt to create and enforce especially rapidly a lordship which had not previously existed in a particular area, or a response by a lord who felt his authority to be threatened or challenged in his 'country'. It may be that explicit articulation of authority was as much a sign of lordship under pressure as was overt military display - see CASTORA/169-70&notes:68-9.

- 1450 See for example, PL Davis i 147 Gairdner ii 80: 'He enqueryd of the rewle of myn master Danyell and myn lord of Suffulke, and askyd wheche I thowte schuld rewle in this schere'; and PL Davis i 236 Gairdner iv 75: 'sondery folkys have seyd to me that they thynk veryly but if ze have my lord of Suffolkys godelordchyp qhyll the werd is as itt is ye kan never leven jn pese' - see CASTORA/notes:68.

- 1450 For example, Lord Scales in PL Davis ii 34-5 Gairdner ii 137-8: 'seyng the said Osberd is my tenaunt and homager it is my part to holde with hym rather than with Danyell in hise right, which I wylle do to my pouer... And in cas that he wold do wrong to the lesse gentilman in the chirre, it shal not lye in hise pouer, be the grace of God' - see CASTORA/notes:69.

- 1450 Thus Suffolk was unable to formulate an adequate response to the ill-managed regional challenge of the duke of Norfolk or to the aggressive opportunism of Thomas Daniel since the responsibility of the crown (represented locally by Suffolk) to arbitrate and enforce a representative division of power conflicted with the needs of his personal local lordship - see CASTORA/310.

- 1450 4/11 Thomas Danyel - Grant during good behaviour to William Essex, for good service to the king and queen, of the office of king's remembrancer in the Exchequer, with the usual wages, fees, profits and rewards; in lieu of a grant thereof in survivorship to Thomas Danyel and John Troutebek, esquires, by letters patent, surrendered - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/405.

- 1450 Danyell to enter Brayston (Bradeston) as relating to what king gave him at Rising (Add MSS 27443 folio 108 British Library gives date) - letters to Richard from Thomas Lord Scales and Margaret Paston - see PASTONA/1/241&2/34.

- 1450 Master Danyell is Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster beyond Trent and Arblaster seith he hath made me his under steward - letter from Thomas Denys - see PASTONA/2/38.

- 1450 4/10 'have for Danyells sake put himself within manor of Rydon' - letter from Thomas Denys to John Paston - see PASTONA/2/45.

- 1450 Danyell enters Brayston (Bradeston) manor by force again - mentions his wife in relation to the manor - Osbern Mundford was holder of manor - letters from Richard Duke of York 9/2/1452 and from Osbern Mundford 9/2/1452 - see PASTONA/2/77-79.

- 1450 Duke of Suffolk imprisoned.

- 1451 25/5 30th Henry 6 - Declaration of John archbishop of Caunterbury, that when he was chancellor, Thomas Danyell esquire being in his presence, Henry Wodehous esquire, son and heir of John Wodehous esquire, confessed before him in his chancery at Lambhethe that he should have Elizabeth sister of Thomas Danyell to wife, and Thomas 'saide not nay,' that the confession was made long before the archbishop made or sealed any deeds at the prayer of Henry of any lands that Thomas had or claims of trust, in so much that the archbishop at the prayer of Henry gave him licence that he and Elizabeth should be married secretly, since Henry 'though [sic] it necessarie to eschue outerageous' expenses if he and Elizabeth should be married openly; and that he has reported all the premises said and done as before rehearsed to and before the lords spiritual and temporal and the speaker and commons in the Parliament at Westminster 29 Henry VI, John cardinal and archbishop of Yorke then being chancellor when the lords and commons attended upon the king's coming to the Parliament chamber at Westminster at the dissolution of the Parliament. Given at his manor of Lamhithe, 17 February 1451, 30 Henry VI and 9 of the archbishop's translation. Memorandum of acknowledgment, 27 February - Westminster - see CLOSE/Henry-6/5/354-5.

- 1451 1/4 Thomas Danyel - Pardon to John Veer, earl of Oxford, one of the pledges of the king's esquire, Thomas Danyell, of the sum of 100 marks forfeit by the earl before the king at Westminster in Michaelmas term last for not having Thomas before the king at a certain day to find security for his good behaviour towards the king and his people and specially towards Henry Wodehous, as the said earl mainprised; the said Thomas not daring to appear at that term owing to the indisposition of divers lieges of the king - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/413.

- 1451 10/7 Thomas Danyel - John Lakford of Ipswich, county Suffolk, 'cordewaner', for not appearing before Richard Neuton and his fellows to answer Thomas Danyell, late sheriff of Suffolk, touching a debt of 20li - Norwich - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/399.

- 1451 6/8 Thomas Danyel - Pardon to John Bendyssh of Stapulbumsted, county Essex, 'gentilman', of 100 marks, in which he was bound by recognizance before the king to have before the king Thomas Danyell, esquire, at a certain day, he having mainprised with others that Thomas would then appear and be of good behaviour towards the king and his people and specially towards Henry Wodehous, but Thomas made default and dared not appear owing to the evil disposition of the king's lieges then rebelling within the realm - By ps etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/468.

- 1451.... Fastolf, like John Paston, had undoubtedly suffered in the later 1440s at the hands of unscrupulously acquisitive courtiers, and both men blamed John Heydon and Thomas Tuddenham for their losses. But some of their friends and neighbours had good reason to value Tuddenham and Heydon's support in the face of exactly the same sort of attack. Osbert Mundford, for example, would not have been able to defend himself against the outrageous belligerence of Thomas Daniel - a subject on which Fastolf and John Paston remained strangely silent - had it not been for John Heydon's help. It was hardly surprising, then, that Mundford was prepared to serve at the Walsingham sessions on the jury which acquitted Heydon of the charges brought against him by Fastolf - see CASTORB/79.

- 1451 As the year [1451] dragged on, the old heavyweights of the Norfolk political scene were not only finding their feet again, but re-emerging in new alliances. Thomas Daniel was engaged in a bravura display of political escapology, for which he turned out to have a remarkable talent. In the spring of 1451 he was acquitted of the charges of treason laid against him in the previous autumn. Not only had he survived the tidal wave of public hostility which engulfed the court in 1450, but he came up clutching the hand of a powerful new patron, the Duke of Somerset, Suffolk's successor as the leading figure in King Henry's government. When Daniel's formerly close relationship with the Duke of Norfolk became strained in the autumn of 1451, Somerset persuaded Norfolk's mother, the dowager Duchess [Katherine Neville 1397-1483], to ask her son to take Daniel back into his favour. This intervention was so successful that Daniel married Norfolk's cousin, Margaret Howard, at Framlingham Castle shortly afterwards. More startling were reports that Lord Scales had taken Daniel under his wing at the end of 1451. Given the enmity between Daniel and the Duke of Suffolk's servants, whose lord Scales now was, this development was both unexpected and perplexing. It may have been an indication that the political dislocation caused by the upheavals of 1450 was taking time to play itself out; or it may just have been the latest surprise in a career which was full of them. Thomas Daniel consistently did - and got away with - things which other people would not even have thought of, let alone attempted. Perhaps he was extremely able, as well as unpredictable and unreliable, perhaps he had enormous personal charm; or perhaps he simply dared to do what other people did not, and had the nerve to brazen out the consequences. Whatever the explanation, there seemed to be a real prospect that Daniel's hostility to Suffolk's men, and his defrauding of Henry Woodhouse at Roydon, might now be swept under the carpet, and an accommodation brokered between Daniel, Tuddenham and Heydon. If that did happen, the Duke of Norfolk's servant Richard Southwell had heard that Daniel 'shall be suffered to enter into Bradeston' - the manor from which he had temporarily expelled the Pastons' friend Osbert Mundford in 1450 - 'and keep it, to the intent that the country shall think, and my lord also, that he has great favour among the lords of the Council and cause men to fear him the more'. This seemed extaordinary, and Southwell was not convinced that it was true - whether it be true or not I cannot say', he told John - but, as he pointed out, there would be an acid test for all the speculation: 'methinks you shall soon know if Mundford will agree that he shall enter into Bradeston, and if that be true all the remnant shall seem the more likely.' - see CASTORB/83-4 - see PASTONA/483.

- 1451 Thomas Danyell - concerning entry into Bradeston and wanting Danyell in (Mowbray) Duke of Norfolk's favour again with Duke of Norfolk's mother asking for this - letter from Richard Southwell - see PASTONA/2/76-7.

- 1451 'shall be suffered to enter into Bradeston' 'and keep it, to the intent that the country shall think, and my lord also, that he has great favour among the lords of the Council and cause men to fear him the more'. 'whether it be true or not I cannot say', 'methinks you shall soon know if Mundford will agree that he shall enter into Bradeston, and if that be true all the remnant shall seem the more likely.' - see PASTONA/483.

- 1451 Thomas Danyell, commision set up 10/1451 to indict Thomas Daniel late of London esq for treason and felony - Earl of Oxford was one of his pledges going bail to have him before King to find security for good behaviour towards Henry Woodhouse - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1451 Thomas Danyell esq of Cheshire, late sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, searcher of the port of London, bailiff of Derbyshire, usher of the Chamber, bailiff of Eddisbury hundred, late of Westminster, late of Frodsham, late of Castle Rising, late of London, pardoned of all offences and outlawries with Earl of Oxford in 4/1451 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1451 Thomas Danyell included in list of jurors in legal cases who received money from both parties (ambidexters) drawn up by Pastons - see WEDGEWOOD - see PASTON/i/192.

- 1451c Thomas Danyell had dispute with Duke of Suffolk over Castle Rising - see CASTORA

- 1451 Thomas Danyell - the king likewise granted the farm of the manor and township of Geddington worth £28 net yearly to Thomas Danyell esquire for a term of years and John Merbury of Cranley took the issues from the said 6/11 until Michaelmas last - see IQMS/Henry-6.

- 1451 Certainly, the circumstances in which Norfolk found himself in 1451-2 correspond more closely with the pattern outlined above than has usually been argued, since the duke, faced with the task of establishing a new lordship in the area, had failed during the preceding decade to create any significant sphere of authority independent of Suffolk's virtual hegemony in the 'schir of whishe we ber our name' or its twin, in which the bulk of the Mowbray lands actually lay. It may not be stretching interpretation too far to see a reflection of these circumstances in the language of this proclamation. Norfolk accuses Scales's men of claiming that their lord will continue to enjoy the 'rewle and governaunce as he hath had affore tyme', and asserts that instead' we woll have the princypall rewle.' This might have been a tenable position for Norfolk in the immediate wake of Suffolk's fall in 1450 - to expect that he would finally be able to claim his rightful position now that the 'undue' influence of Suffolk had been removed from both the national and the local political stage - but, coming as it does at least a year later, his assertions seem to be a clear indication that he had failed to establish his authority any more successfully in the absence of the supposedly crucial figure of Suffolk. Instead, it is only too clear that the de la Pole affinity has survived under Scales's leadership, and that this proclamation in fact forms a partisan declaration of intent on Norfolk's part. What begins as a call for 'the trowthe' about crimes committed by 'any persone of what estat, degre, or condicion he be' has by the end of the document become an assertion that 'hit may non ben seyde nay' that in fact Scales, Tuddenham, Stapleton, and Heydon are the guilty parties, and an instruction to make 'biliz of your grevance' on that basis - see CASTORA/170-1.

- 1451 A lord who had secured the undisputed rule of his 'country' could perhaps legitimately assume that his own interests coincided with those of the regional 'common weal', since comprehensive authority could only be maintained by a credible claim to represent the collective interests of all those who were subject to that authority. However, every indication suggests that this was not the position from which Norfolk was operating. The duke had had the opportunity to establish his control over East Anglian society and had manifestly failed, since his chief opponents were still, by his own admission, able to inspire 'feer and drede' in his 'country'. His theoretical status as the leading noble of the region was, after Suffolk's death, unquestionable, and, now that the king's government was no longer being directed by his local rival, there was no reason why he should not have been able to gain access to the powers of the crown in support of his regional authority. Nevertheless, he was apparently unable to translate this opportunity into effective political dominance. During the crisis of 1450-1, for example, when the de la Pole affinity was temporarily in disarray, many of its members were apparently willing to co-operate with Norfolk, but the duke seems to have failed completely to take advantage of this cooperation to forge more broadly based and substantial connections among the leading gentry. By 1453, when Norfolk headed a commission to treat for a loan in East Anglia, not one of the other men appointed was a political ally of his. Instead, his fellow commissioners were the bishop of Norwich, who had closely associated with Suffolk, and Scales, Tuddenham, and Stapleton, men who embodied the continuing influence of the de la Pole connection - see CASTORA/171-2.

- 1451 This failure seems to have been the result not only of the inadequacy of Norfolk's local following, but also, once again, of the duke's mismanagement of what resources he did command. By the beginning of 1453, the depredations of men closely linked to Norfolk himself inspired the region's gentry to unite in a chorus of complaint more general than any provoked by the alleged oppressions of Tuddenham and Heydon. Ironically, this crisis seems to have been largely the result of Norfolk's alliance with the disruptive figure of Thomas Daniel, made in the late 1440s in an effort to circumvent the local effects of Suffolk's political dominance at the centre. In December 1451 a rift between Norfolk and Daniel was reported, coinciding with the latter's association with Somerset and his negotiations with Scales. Various lords, as well as Norfolk's mother, were said to have written to the duke 'for to have Danyell in his favour a geyne', a development ascribed to Somerset's influence. These interventions were apparently successful, since it seems to have been shortly afterwards that Daniel married Norfolk's niece Margaret Howard at Framlingham Castle. The duke lent active support to Daniel's territorial ambitions; according to William Worcestre, his claims to Rydon were made 'with the help and power of John Duke of Norfolk', which included the assistance of a 'large armed force of the duke's'. However, the most dramatic implications of their alliance seem to have related to the political dealings of the duke himself. By 1452, not only had Suffolk's men succeeded in retaining their position, but Norfolk had lost the support of those gentlemen who, having found no place in the de la Pole affinity, had in 1450 formed his natural constituency. In this process, a crucial part seems to have been played by his association with Daniel - see CASTORA/172&notes:78-9.

- 1451 The marriage is dated to the thirteenth year of the reign (September 1451 - August 1452); it is therefore possible that it took place before the estrangement reported in December, although a later dating seems more likely given the evident strength of their association from 1452 onwards. PL Gairdner ii 145; PL Davis ii 76-7 Gairdner ii 254-5; Blomefield, History of the County of Norfolk ix 54 - see CASTORA/notes:78.

- 1451 22/10 Thomas Danyel - Commission of oyer and terminer to Henry, duke of Exeter, John, earl of Oxford, John, earl of Shrewsbury, John, earl of Worcester, John Talbot of Lysle, knight, Nicholas Wyfold, mayor of London, John Fortescu, knight, John Prisot, Peter Ardern, William Yelverton, John Markham, Richard Byngham, John Portyngton, Nicholas Asshton, Robert Danvers, Thomas Tyrell, knight, Henry Frowyk, Stephen Broun, John Atherley, Simon Eyre, John Olney and Thomas Byllyng, appointing them to proceed in Chancery on an indictment of Thomas Danyell late of London, esquire, before Thomas Chalton, late mayor of London, and his fellows, justices of oyer and terminer in London, for treasons and felonies - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/532.

- 1451 10/11 Thomas Danyel - General pardon to Thomas Danyell, esquire, of the county of Chester, alias late sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, alias searcher in the port of London and in all ports, creeks and places in the water of Thames on either side from London to Gravesende and there, and thence to Feversham and there, and thence to the sea, alias bailiff of Derbyshire, alias usher of the chamber, bailiff of Eddesbury hundred, alias late of Westminster, county Middlesex, alias late of Froddesham, county Chester, alias late of Risyng Castell, county Norfolk, alias late of London, of all offences and fines and any consequent outlawries - By K & C etc - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/498

- 1451 Thomas Danyell - memorandum on prosecutions - Thomas Dowce slain tenant of Danyell at Geyton - see PASTONA/2/526-8.

- 1452 Thomas Danyell - memorandum on keeping manor of Brayston to the use of Thomas Danyell - see PASTONA/1/73.

- 1452 14/5 Thomas Danyell - asking him to forsake Danyell - letter from John Osbern to John Paston - see PASTONA/2/81.

- 1452 26/4 Thomas Danyel - Thomas Braunston of Benteley, county Suffolk, 'yoman', for not appearing before the same to answer Thomas Danyell, esquire, late sheriff of Suffolk, touching a plea that he render account of the time when he was his receiver - Norwich - Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/5/488.

- 1452 Margaret daughter of Sir Robert Howard married to Sir William Daniel, Baron of Rathwire in Ireland - see COLLINS/Henry-6/1/65.

- 1452 Thomas Danyell was son of William Danyell of Daresbury Lancashire and in 1452 married Margaret daughter of Sir Robert Howard sister of John later Duke of Norfolk. For some account of his behaviour to John Wodehouse - see BLOMEFIELD/XI/60 - see NORFOLK/36/321-note

- 1452 Mundford did not agree, but it happened nonetheless. On 8 February 1452 Daniel sent some of his servants, led by Charles Nowell, an esquire from Shelland in Suffolk, to seize Bradeston for the second time. Osbert Mundford, a distinguished soldier who was currently serving in the English garrison at Calais, was furious, but unable to leave his post. I may not come, nor I will not come, though I shall lose all Bradeston' , he wrote, '....considering that the enemies draw daily hitherward'. It was doubly outrageous, he felt, that Daniel should choose to take advantage of the fact that he could not defend himself in Norfolk because he was busy defending his country. He petitioned the King for help - although, given Daniel's relationship with the Duke of Somerset, that seemed unlikely to produce immediate results. He also therefore wrote to his friend John Paston to ask advice on how best to bring legal action against Daniel, promising, touchingly, to buy him a drink for his pains if he ever came to Calais ('you shall have a stoop of beer to comfort you after your travail of the sea'.) With characteristic effrontery, Daniel meanwhile sought to forestall any local resistance by claiming that the Duke of York was his trustee in the manor and would help him hold on to it. It was a bare-faced lie, and York, incensed that his name had been used in this way, wrote immediately to a group of Norfolk gentlemen, including John Paston, to distance himself from the whole situation (we certify unto you and to every of you for truth that we knew never such feoffment made, nor we consented never to such forcible entry, and we disavow it by these our letters signed with our own hand). It soon became clear, however, that Daniel's hold on the manor could not be shaken off so easily. - see CASTORB/84 - see PASTONA/484-5.

- 1452 'we certify unto you and to every of you for truth that we knew never such feoffment made, nor we consented never to such forcible entry, and we disavow it by these our letters signed with our own hand' - see PASTONA/484.

- 1452 'I may not come, nor I will not come, though I shall lose all Bradeston', he wrote, '....considering that the enemies draw daily hitherward'. 'you shall have a sttop of beer to comfort you after your travail of the sea' - see PASTONA/485.

- 1452 He [Daniel] did not come to Norfolk in person, but installed Charles Nowell at Bradeston as his bailiff. Nowell and his supporters - principally his brothers Otwell and Arthur, and a lawyer named Robert Ledham from the neighbouring village of Witton - rapidly began to throw their weight about in the surrounding area. This was the usual attempt at intimidation, designed to deter people from daring to support Mundford's right to the estate, just as Moleyns's servants had done at Gresham. Being Daniel's men, however, Ledham and the Nowells engaged in a campaign of threats with unusual enthusiasm. Their main objective was to follow Daniel's orders in protecting Bradeston, but the mission also offered them a chance to pursue their own quarrels. Ledham, for example, had fallen out several years earlier with a neighbour at Witton named John Wilton. Ledham accused Wilton of assaulting him in the summer of 1447; Wilton's account of events was that a fight had broken out after he had 'peacefully and modestly' asked Ledham's men to stop trampling his crops. When the opportunity to reopen hostilities presented itself five years later, Ledham took it with gusto, fighting with Wilton in a local churchyard, knocking his heavily pregnant wife to the ground, and seizing his cattle and sheep in lieu of what Ledham claimed were rent arrears. To add insult to injury, not only did Ledham take the animals but he 'killed them and laid them in salt, and afterwards ate them' - see CASTORB/84-5 - see PRO/KB27/750-rot.104 - see PRO/KB9/272-m.52 - see PASTONA/40&48.

- 1452 'peacefully and modestly' - see PASTONA/40.

- 1452 'killed them and laid them in salt, and afterwards ate them' - see PASTONA/48.

- 1452 The surviving accounts of the alleged crimes of Ledham and the Nowells and their men are not, of course, impartial documents. Accusations were presented with no explanation of context but plenty of circumstantial detail designed to provoke horror and outrage. During a late-night assault on the house of John Coke, another tenant at Witton, for example, they allegedly 'gave him seven great wounds', and then hit his eighty-year-old mother on the crown of her head with a sword, 'which wound was never whole to the day of her death'. One poor soul, Thomas Baret of the nearby village of Burlingham, was said to have been beaten so badly 'that he kept his bed a month', and when he had the temerity to complain about the beating, Ledham's men lay in wait for him and 'beat him again'. Some of the charges were patently weak, little more than attempts to pin anything bad that happened in the area on the people who had become the local bogeymen. An unsolved murder near Framlingham in Suffolk, for instance, was included among the complaints with the comment that, 'whether any of the said fellowship were there or not, men cannot say, there be of them so many, of which many be unknown people'. Nevertheless, it is clear that the attempt to strike fear into the inhabitants of neighbouring villages was both concerted and successful. Some of the men who were targetted by Nowell and Ledham were too afraid of ambush to move with confidence on public roads, and in some cases they were vulnerable even in their own homes. 'And so, for salvation of their lives and in eschewing of such inordinate costs as never was seen in that country before', a petition to parliament later alleged, 'many of them forsook and left their own habitation, wife and child, and withdrew to fortresses and good towns as for that time', John Wilton and Thomas Baret among them, the former to Norwich and the latter to Yarmouth. - see CASTORB/85 - see PASTONA/40&48.

- 1452 John Paston, who had once hoped for so much from Thomas Daniel, had supported his friend Osbert Mundford from the beginning in the fight with Daniel over Bradeston. On Monday, 3 April 1452, however, the issue suddenly became much more personal when John was assualted outside the door of Norwich Cathedral by Charles Nowell and five other men. John's account did not record the circumstances of the attack, whether words were exchanged or provocation given on either side, but it was a frightening confrontation, with Nowell 'smiting at me while one of his fellows held my arms at my back'. He suffered no serious injury, but later the same day Osbert Mundford's brother in law Philip Berney - Margaret's timorous uncle, who had told her his hip was broken in order to avoid having to brave a return visit to Gresham - was ambushed near his home by Nowell and his men. They shot and injured Berney's horse, allowing them to ride him down, and then 'broke a bow on the said Philip's head', before taking him and his two servants prisoner with the words, 'traitors, you shall die'. Their excuse for the attack - or justification, from their point of view - was that they were arresting Berney, and took him to the Bishop of Norwich, before whom they required him to provide security that he would keep the peace. At that point, they let him go. Berney too did not dare to go home to Reedham, but took refuge instead in the greater safety of Sir John Fastolf's castle at Caister. - see CASTORB/86 - see PASTONA/40&43&48 - see PRO/KB27/790-Rex-rot-43v - see PRO/KB9/85/2 m.8.

- 1452 The campaign of intimidation was as frightening as it was unsubtle. The message that no one should dare challenge, or even question, Daniel's possession of Bradeston was underscored with violence at every possible opportunity. Even the activities of Lord Moleyns's men at Gresham had been more recognisably within the bounds of 'normal' behaviour than this, in that Moleyns had some sort of claim to Gresham - however far-fetched and atavistic - which he chose, as many people did, to pursue by direct action, even if the ejection of Margaret and her household from the estate was direct action of a particularly forceful kind. What Daniel's men were engaged in was much more like a reign of terror, in both its nature and its intensity: what Moleyns had only threatened, Daniel was putting into practice. And the peculiarly frightening thing from John Paston's point of view was that there was nowhere to turn for help. Daniel himself had been John's major hope for support when it came to his battle with Heydon and Moleyns, even if it was hope which was ultimately disappointed. Even worse, the Duke of Norfolk was also implicated in what was now happening. The willingness of Daniel's men to involve themselves in violently disruptive tactics had come in handy for the Duke in 1450, when they joined some of Norfolk's own retainers in launching an aggressive campaign of harassment against the Duke of Suffolk's estates and servants in the aftermath of Suffolk's death. The association between Daniel and Norfolk was already a couple of years old by this point, and both men stood to gain from the attempt to overthrow the local power of Suffolk's men. Although they subsequently fell out briefly in 1451, by the beginning of 1452 Daniel's marriage to Norfolk's cousin had cemented their alliance. Only weeks later, Daniel sent his men - who were now also part of Norfolk's entourage - into Bradeston, and the violent reprisals against anyone who opposed them began - see CASTORB/86-7.

- 1452 John Paston had had reason enough before this to be sceptical about Daniel's reliability as a patron, but he was baffled by the Duke of Norfolk's apparent willingness to condone the victimisation of gentlemen such as himself who had been willing to offer the Duke their service in his struggle against Suffolk's dominance. Quite apart from the breach of the bond of mutual loyalty which was supposed to underpin the relationship between lord and servant, it seemed ludicrous that Norfolk would be prepared simply to throw away gentry support when it had been so hard for him to attract any in the first place. The only possible explanation, John thought, was that the Duke was unaware of what was happening - and the perfect opportunity to seek redress seemed to be about to present itself, since Norfolk would shortly be arriving at Framlingham Castle, his ancestral home in Suffolk - see CASTORB/87.

- 1452 At least, that was what John had been told. By 23 April, having waited for ten days for the Duke's coming, and being assured each day that his arrival was imminent, John was becoming frantic. He wrote to the sheriff, this year a Suffolk man named John Clopton, to explain his predicament, in the process sketching out several different versions of the letter with different levels of detail and desperation. In one draft John described the attack he had suffered at Charles Nowell's hands outside Norwich Cathedral, and tried, respectfully, to point out why it might be a matter of concern to the Duke. It 'was to me strange case', he wrote, 'thinking in my conceit that I was my lord's man and his homager before Charles knew his lordship, and that my lord was my good lord'. He was all the more confused, he explained, since he had seen Norfolk in London only two months earlier, in the middle of February, when Nowell was already in occupation at Bradeston, and even then the Duke had 'granted me his good lordship so largely that it must cause me ever to be his true servant to my power'. The rest of the letter maintained this tone of genteel bewilderment rather than anger. Either the constraints of courtesy and policy were keeping John's pen under iron discipline, or he genuinely believed that Norfolk would clear up the whole sorry mess as soon as he realised what had happened: 'I thought also that I had never given cause to none of my lord's house to owe me evil will, nor that there was none of the house but I would have done for as I could desire any man to do for me, and yet will, except my adversary. And thus I and my friends have mused of this, and thought he was hired to do thus, and, this notwithstanding, as soon as knowledge was had of my lord's coming to Framlingham, never attempted to proceed against him as justice and law would, but to trust to my said lord that his Highness would see this punished'. If his faith in Norfolk was genuine, he was about to be sadly disappointed . - see CASTORB/87-8 - see PASTONA/42-4.

- 1452 At the end of the month, the Duke finally arrived at Framlingham. Before John and other gentlemen who had suffered at the hands of Ledham and the Nowells had a chance to present any of their complaints, however, it became clear that Daniel's men had laid plans for just this eventuality, and now they set their scheme in motion. Three months earlier - before Nowell had even entered Bradeston on Daniel's behalf - an associate of his named Roger Church had gathered fifteen local men in a wood at Postwick, a couple of miles from Ledham's home at Witton. It is not at all clear what happened there. The villagers later claimed 'they were innocent, and knew not why they assembled but only by the excitation of the said Church and his men'. On the other hand, Church was subsequently charged with inciting rebellion as a result of this meeting; he allegedly planned to set fire to two monastries just outside Norwich to draw the townspeople out, so that he and his men could enter the city to loot it. The truth is probably somewhere in between. It seems likely that the men were promised some kind of campaign to right wrongs in the county under the captaincy of Church, who allegedly named himself 'John Amend-All', one of the pseudonyms used by the rebel leader Jack Cade in 1450. Nothing further happened in January - unsurprisingly, given that Church was faking a reformist zeal as part of the plan which Nowell and Ledham had concocted in case they were challenged in their occupation of Bradeston. At the end of April, with the Duke of Norfolk newly arrived at Framlingham and John Paston and his friends waiting to tell him of Nowell and Ledham's thuggery, Roger Church allowed himself to be arrested by his own friends - on a promise that he would be protected and pardoned 'by the means of Daniel' - and brought to the Duke. In Norfolk's presence, Church confessed his part in the 'rising' at Postwick, and named 'many notable and thrifty men that were well willed to the said Mundford for the said manor of Bradeston', including John Paston, as his co-conspirators in an attempted rebellion, he said, of 300 men. A number of the villagers who had gathered with Church in Postwick wood were brought in to corroborate his story under the intimidating gaze of Daniel's men. By this means Nowell and Ledham hoped 'that the substantial men of the country should be by means so troubled and endangered that they should not be of power to let and resist the misrule of the said Lehman and his misgoverned fellowship' - see CASTORB/88-9 - see PASTONA/41&46&882 - see PRO/KB27/774-Rex-rot.30v.

- 1452 It was in many ways a well-conceived plan. An accusation of treason could do a lot of damage in these uncertain times. At the very least, John and his friends would be deflected from pursuing their complaints against Daniel's men by the need to defend themselves against the charges. All Nowell and Ledham now needed was for the Duke of Norfolk to take the story seriously - and, right on cue, he ordered that a bill of Church's allegations should be drawn up and delivered to the sheriff. It was Sheriff Clopton who smelled a rat. He summoned the witnesses who were said to have corroborated Church's account and, in their relief at finally being able to speak freely, the truth came tumbling out. 'The substance of the tale told by the said Roger Church was untrue and feigned and imagined by the same Church', one said. Church himself had instigated the meeting at Postwick wood, and John Paston and the other gentlemen named in Church's bill had neither been present nor even spoken on that occasion, 'but that they and other thrifty men were noised by the said Church and by his councillors since the time of the gathering of the said fellowship'. Sheriff Clopton immediately sent an account of his whole investigation to the King and Council, and John travelled to London to be on the spot to rebut the story of the rebellion in case of any sign that it might be taken seriously - see CASTORB/89 - see PASTONA/882

- 1452 The Duke of Norfolk, around whom Daniel's men would have run rings had it not been for Clopton's intervention, had been less than no help. John sent his servant John Osbern instead to see Walter Lyhert, the Bishop of Norwich, a consummate politician who had been prominent in the Duke of Suffolk's regime, and who was temporarily therefore keeping his head down, away from Westminster in the safety of his own diocese. The Bishop's closeness to Suffolk would have made him an unlikely source of assistance under normal circumstances, but these circumstances were far from normal. In supporting his friend Mundford at Bradeston, John Paston found himself in an improbable alliance with Suffolk's men, including John Heydon and Thomas Tuddenham, against opponents who had the protection of Daniel and the Duke of Norfolk. In this context, Bishop Lyhert - who must have been alerted to the fact that trouble was brewing a month earlier when Nowell dragged the unfortunate Philip Berney before him - provided a sympathetic ear. 'I had great cheer', Osbern reported, clearly impressed by the quality of the Bishop's hospitality, with 'wine and ale both'. Publicly, John was holding firm to the line that the Duke of Norfolk would not in the end let Nowell and Ledham go unpunished - 'I trusted to my lord of Norfolk's lordship and righteousness that he would see that Charles should be sharply corrected for his trespass and misrule', Osbern told the Bishop on John's behalf - but also sought to make clear that he would not let the matter rest if Norfolk failed to act ('or else the genlemen of the shire must together purvey another means'). Bishop Lyhert was shrewd enough to see exactly what was happening. 'He said it would none otherwise be', Osbern reported, 'but, if he had spoken with you before you rode to London, he hoped by your advice he should have purveyed a means to have set that in correction, and also the trouble for the manor of Bradeston, for that was cause of all'. The Bishop also told Osbern that John could count on support from Lord Scales, whose brief rapprochement with Daniel the previous December, if it had ever existed, had not survived the renewal of trouble at Bradeston. Scales 'is well disposed to you and in the best wise', Osbern wrote, 'and will do for you that he can, so that you would forsake Daniel' - a stipulation with which John was presumably now only too happy to comply - see CASTORB/89-90 - see PASTONA/487.

- 1452 Four days later, the rot seemed to have spread even further. Margaret told John on 18 May that Daniel's methods had rubbed off on another of the Duke of Norfolk's men, their old acquaintance Richard Southwell, who had seized the manor of Holme Hale near Swaffham from Sybilla Boys, the friend who had sent Judge William her recipe for ale many years earlier. Southwell 'keeps it with strength with such another fellowship as has been at Bradeston,' Margaret reported, 'and wastes and despoils all that there is'. 'It seems it was not for naught that he held with Charles and his fellowship', she added tartly. Southwell had been due to marry Lady Boys's widowed daughter-in-law Jane until she was kidnapped and forcibly married in the summer of 1451 by a gentleman named Robert Langstrother, a neighbour of Jane's parents. Langstrother was charged with abduction, but legal process against him was blocked when Jane Boys testified that she had consented to the marriage. Southwell had lost both his bride and her share of the Boys estates, and it was presumably in frustration at this injustice that he decided to help himself to Holme Hale. Margaret was concerned about what the spreading disorder might mean - 'as for tidings', she wrote 'we have none good in this country; I pray God send us good' - but was not worried enough to let the practicalities of family life slip her mind. She reminded John of the shopping she needed from London, including a new girdle for their small daughter Margery, and added the nearest she ever came these days to a sentimental word ('I hope you shall be at home so soon that I will do write no more tidings to you'.) - see CASTORB/90-1 - see PASTONA/140&45 but redated to 1452.

- 1452 In London, John was busy preparing a petition detailing all of Nowell and Ledham's offences, and appealing to the Chancellor for a special inquiry into Roger Church's faked rebellion, 'so that they that be guiltless in this may be so declared, and that they that be guilty may be punished according to their demerits'. Despite John's efforts, rumours that he was 'one of the captains of the risers in Norfolk' reached Cambridge, where his brother William was a student, by the middle of June. On 3 July 3 Bishop Lyhert of Norwich arrested Roger Church and imprisoned him in Norwich Castle, but Church was still defiant, declaring not only that he stood by his story, but that he had another, yet more eminent name, still to produce. 'Men think that have spoken with him that he hopes to have good help', Margaret told her husband; 'I pray God that the truth may be known'. It seemed hardly surprising that John had still not remembered Margery's girdle. - see CASTORB/91 - see PASTONA/41&81&142 but redated to 4/7/1452.

- 1452 There was no immediate relief from the pressure. That autumn Daniel's hold over the Duke of Norfolk was demonstrated still further. His men were present in threateningly large numbers at court hearings in Norwich and Walsingham, which John believed had been 'set of purpose to have by indictments defouled such persons as were of the old counsel with the said lord, and such as keep Woodhouse land, or such as help or comfort Osbert Mundford, marshall of Calais, in his right of the manor of Bradeston, of which he is now late wrongfully disseised; and generally to have hurt all others that would not follow the opinions of the said new counsel'. Only two years earlier, immersed in the labyrinthine process of trying to secure convictions against Heydon and Moleyns in the autumn of 1450, it must have seemed to John scarcely imaginable that the political world in which he lived could become any more tortuous and complex. But that was exactly what had happened. The grievances held by John and his friends against Heydon and his associates had been suppressed, not resolved, by the outcome of the inquiries of 1450-1. Those tensions had now been compounded by the combination of Daniel's anarchic opportunism and the Duke of Norfolk's misjudgements and mismanagement. Norfolk's retainers had been stampeding across the late Duke of Suffolk's estates in Suffolk, vandalising his parks and threatening his servants, in an attempt to intimidate the widowed Duchess and to demonstrate what Norfolk hoped was his new supremacy in local affairs. Meanwhile Daniel and his men, with the Duke's support, or at least his acquiescence, were causing chaos in Norfolk. - see CASTORB/91-2 - see PASTONA/48 - see PRO/KB9/85/2-m.14.

- 1452 John Earl of Oxford, Thomas Danyel armiger, John Paston armiger and others versus William Wyremegey of Wyghtlivinghome? and Margaret his wife re Skeryng?, Gresenhale, Wesenham, North Barhamand Shropham - see FINES/426/30-Henry-6.

- 1452 Thomas Danyell, lieutenant to Sir Andrew Ogard as constable of Wisbech castle - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1452 A memorandum drafted by John Paston in 1452 is explicit on the subjects of both the change in the duke's intimate circle, and the reasons that lay behind it - Itt is to remembre vndere hos rule that the gode lord is at this day, and whiche be of his new cownseyll. Item, that ... his old cownseyl and attendans ... be avoydyd ... Item, be the demenyng of the ... sescionys [of the peace] was verily conseyvid be the jantylmen of the shyere that it was set of purpose to have be indytementys defowlyd seche personys as were of the old cownseyl wyth the seid lord, and seche as kepe Wodhows lond, or seche as help or confort Osbern Munford ... in his rygth of the manere of Brayston, of whiche he is now late wrongfully dyssesyd; and generally to have hurt all othere that wold not folwe the oppynyons of the seyd new cownseyll ... - see CASTORA/172-3&note:80.

- 1452 The common element linking the disputes in which Wodehous and Mundford were involved was the fact that in each case Daniel was their opponent. The identification of their interests with those of Norfolk's ousted 'old cownseyl', as a generalized group that 'wold not folwe the oppynyons' of the duke's new advisers, demonstrates that it was Daniel 'vndere hos rule' Norfolk was now operating, and who had alienated the latter's traditional supporters - see CASTORA/173.

- 1452 The immediate focus of Paston's concern, and the principal subject of the memorandum quoted above, was the activities of a group of gentlemen led by Charles Nowell and Robert Lethum. This 'gret multitude of mysrewled people', according to the complaints to be found among the Paston letters and the returns of judical hearings in February 1453, had been responsible for a series of assaults, robberies, and forced entries in 1452, including an attack on Paston himself, as well as a conspiracy to have many 'men of gode name and fame' indicted for a riot and rebellion. Paston's direct involvement may mean that the impression the correspondence gives of universal outrage at the activities of this 'criminal gang' may be somewhat exaggerated. It is clear, however, both from the letters and from the records of King's Bench, that a broad range of local landed interests were prepared, at least temporarily, to abandon otherwise deep-seated differences to form an unlikely alliance against Nowell and his associates. Gilbert Debenham, Richard Southwell, and John Paston himself had figured prominently in opposition to Suffolk's men during the 1440s and in the immediate aftermath of the dike's fall, but by 1452 their names appear on the lists of gentlemen who informed against Nowell and Lethum in the company of those of Scales, Tuddenham, Stapleton, Rous, and Wyndham, the leading lights of the de la Pole connection - see CASTORA/173&notes:82-4.

- 1452 PL Davis i 59 Gairdner ii 267; KB9/85/2 (Norfolk), and KB9/118/1-2 (Suffolk). An oyer and terminer commission had been appoited on 8 January: CPR 1452-61, 60. KB9/271 mm 43-4 - see CASTORA/note:82.

- 1452 Nowell and his associates were alleged to have arranged for Roger Chirche, one of their own number, to be arrested so that he could then name their opponents as his supposed co-conspirators: PL Davis i 58-63 Gairdner ii 267-72 - see CASTORA/note:83.

- 1452 In other words, Norfolk seems to have attempted, from early 1450, to assert his authority over the de la Pole interest in Suffolk by using aggressive tactics in which Daniel and his men played a vital role. By 1452, Daniel was pursuing his own concerns in Norfolk by directing the same degree of aggression against men who were the duke's 'natural' supporters. In this context, the willingness of men such as John Paston to co-operate with longstanding opponents becomes explicable, and the scale of Norfolk's political mismanagement apparent. Paston's letter of April 1452 to the sheriff, John Clopton, demonstrates his bafflement at his lord's abrupt abandonment of the men who had served him during the previous decade, as well as Norfolk's failure to provide the access for communication of grievances that was essential to the operation of responsive, and therefore successful, lordship. Having reported Nowell's attack on him, Paston writes that this - was to me strawnge cas, thinking in my conseyth that I was my lordis man and his homagere or Charlis knew hys lordschipe and that my lord was my god lord ... I thowt also that I had neuer geff cawse to non of my lordis hous to ow me evill will, ne that ther was non of the hows but I wold haue do fore as I cowd desire animan to do for me, and yet will, except my aduersare. And thus I and my friends haff mwsid of this, and thowt he was hired to do thus, and this notwithstanding, assone as knolech was had of my lordis coming to Framlingham, neuer attemptid to procede ageyns him as justis and law wuld, but to trust to my seyd lord that his Hyghnes wold se this punischid ... and dayly hath be redy with such jentilmen as dwelle here-a-bought that can record the trought to haue come compleyn to my lord, but we haue come compleyn to my lord, but we haue had contynually tydyngis of my lordis comyng heder that causid vs for to a-bide there-vp-vn, besechyng your gode maystershep that ye wull lete my lord haue knowlech of my compleynt ... - see CASTORA/174-5&notes:91-3.

- 1452 At some point between January 1450 and March 1454 Daniel was also claiming to have been named Fastolf's heir, a 'sclaundre' which was 'noyous grete vexacion' to Fastolf and his feoffes: C1/19/115 - see CASTORA/notes:91.

- 1452 PL Davis i 66-7 Gairdner ii 261-2. See also John Osbern's report to the bishop of Norwich that he ' trostid to my lord of Norffolkes lordchep and ritewesnesse that he wold see that Charles shuld be scharply correctyd for hese trespasse and mysrewle, or ellis the jentelmen of the shire must to-giddyre purvey a-nodyre meane': PL Davis ii 80-1 Gairdner ii 265 PL Davis i 67 Gairdner ii 261-2 - see CASTORA/notes:92.

- 1452 The overwhelming impression of the duke which emerges from these documents is of a lord whose grasp of the political realities of his 'country' was far from firm. His absence and his failure to communicate with the gentlemen of the area when they were waiting to convey urgent complaints and to petition for redress in effect constituted an abdication of his responsibilities. Because of the recipricol nature of lordship and service, this also represented a lost opportunity to assert, demonstrate, and reinforce his authority. Local lordship having failed them, the gentlemen of Norfolk and Suffolk took their complaints instead to the king. This mismanagement reinforces suggestions in the Paston evidence that Norfolk had been manipulated by his 'new cownseyll': 'Item, to remembre', the memorandum of 1452 continues, 'how suttely the seyd Chirche was be his owyn assent led to my lord of Norffolk be his owyn felashep, to the extent to accuse and defame seche as they lovyd nott. ' The implication that the duke was ignorant of the activities of Nowell and his followers may owe much to dutiful adherence to the topos of noble 'ritewesnesse', since any good lord would immediately act to correct any wrongs of which he was appraised. But whether Norfolk had been unwittingly manoeuvred into furthering Nowell's plans, or whether he was an informed participant, the conclusion remains the same: his management of the matter had been inadequately informed or inadequately considered, and either way had succeeded in alienating some of his closest gentry supporters and in demonstrating the deficiencies of his lordship. Indeed, the fact that his leadership had proved a particularly disruptive element in local politics was implicitly acknowledged during the hearings of 1453, when all the main protagonists requested securities of the peace from their opponents. The sums demanded ranged from 100 marks to £2000; the sole exception was the case of Norfolk himself, who was required to bind himself to keep the peace towards the duchess of Suffolk in the vast sum of £10,000 - see CASTORA/175-6&notes:96-7.

- 1452 It is worth noting that, even by 1455, Norfolk was making the elementary mistake of attempting to force a non-local parliamentary representative (the Suffolk esquire John Howard) on the fiercely independent-minded political society of Norfolk: see below n115. see CASTORA/note:96.

- 1452 Daniel was among the duke's mainpernors: KB9/118/2 mm24 167. In December 1453, Norfolk was bound in a recognizance to the king in the even greater sum of £12,000 to appear in chancery the following March, and in the meantime to keep the peace towards the duchess of Suffolk: CCR 1447-54, 476. It is tempting to see this combinsation of disruptiveness and mismanagement as characteristic not only of Norfolk himself, but also of his followers. In August 1452, for example, John Dowebyggyng, a servant of Daniel's and therefore at this point also of the duke himself, led a raid on the home of the de la Pole steward John Ulveston, allegedly intending to murder him. Having laid an ambush, the party were said to have sent one of their number into the house to ask for Ulveston, only to learn from his wife and son that he was not there. 'It is a shrewed turne that he is not at home,' the would-be assassins are reported to have said on hearing the news, 'our journey is evyll lost. But as for him we shull have our pupose an other tyme well inowe and as for his sone late us smyte of his right arme and than shalle he never do so moche harme as his fader hath do.' This revised plan, too, was thwarted: Ulveston's wife, who had clearly smelt a rat, had already made her escape, taking her son with her. KB9/118/1 m 36... - see see CASTORA/note:97.

- 1452 a genealogy table shows Thomas Danyell married to Margaret Howard (great aunt of Thomas Howard) and having a son Edmund, who had a son John - a search of a taped version of the document for a further reference to these Danyells did not find anythging but did not have time for a full search [in fact Edmund's younger son Thomas had a more significant role in the career of Thomas Howard than the eldest son John]- see VOWLES.

- 1452 27/2 Thomas Danyell - Declaration of John Archbishop of Caunterbury that when he was chauncellor, Thomas Danyell esquire being in his presence, Henry Wodehous esquire son and heir of John Wodehous esquire confessed before him in his chancery at Lambeth that he should have Elizabeth sister of Thomas Danyell to wife and Thomas 'saide not nay' that the confession was made long before the archbishop made a sealed any deeds at the prayer of Henry of any lands that Thomas had or claims of trust in so much that the archbishop at the prayer of Henry gave him licence that he and Elizabeth should be married secretly since Henry though [sic] it necessarie to escgue outerageous expences if he and Elizabeth should be married openly; and that he had reported all the premisses said and done as before rehearsed to and before the lords spiritual and temporal and the speaker and commons in the Parliament at Westminster 29 Henry 6, John cardinal and archbishop of Yorke being then chancellor when the commons attended the king's coming to Parliament chamber at Westminster at the dissolution of Parliament. Given at his manor of Lambithe 17/2/1451 30 of Henry 6 and 9 of the archbishops translation. Memorandum of acknowledgement 27/2 - see CLOSE/354.

- 1452 28/10 George Danyel - 28 Oct.1452 - headed a commission to arrest Thomas Shapay and others - see PATENT/1452-61/57.

- 1452 Thomas Daniel was Lieutenant to Sir Andrew Ogard as Constable of Wisbech Castle but maybe this was Thomas Daniel of Walsoken.

- 1452c Thomas Daniel married Margaret Howard - see PASTONA/I/208.

- 1453 What was needed was a king who would stamp his authority on this mess by making clear to the chief protagonists that their behaviour would no longer be tolerated, while at the same time creating conditions in which an accomodation between all the warring parties could be reached and enforced to prevent the violence recurring. A king of that kind, however, was exactly what the country did not have. The Duke of Somerset had been able to establish his leadership in government, but his regime was more fragile than his predecessor Suffolk's had been. The crisis of 1450 had begun to expose King Henry's deficiencies to public view, something which made the task of ruling in his name all the more difficult, especially now that the Duke of York had made himself a figurehead for criticisms of the court. As a result, East Anglia was not the only region disintegrating into serious disorder, and it was apparent that something had to be done. On 8 January 1453, a huge judical commission was issued to deal with crime and disorder across south-eastern England. This should have been a powerful statement of royal intent to bring offenders to heel, but Somerset's hands were tied by the need to sustain noble support for his regime across the political spectrum, even if members of the nobility were themselves implicated in the trouble which the commission was supposed to be investigating. The noblemen named among the commissioners therefore included the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Oxford, Lord Scales and even Lord Moleyns. It hardly seemed likely that a tribunal in which Norfolk could claim an official role would be able to take a strong lead in dealing with violence for which his men were responsible, but Somerset did at least ensure that, when the sessions began in East Anglia in February, it was three professional royal justices who would sit to hear the indictments, rather than any of the noble commissioners. If nothing else, this opened the way for formal charges to be presented, whatever might or might not happen thereafter - see CASTORB/92.

- 1453 If any doubt remained about the need for some kind of royal intervention to deal with the increasingly unruly state of local politics, it was dispelled on 12 February when Thomas Daniel, at the head of a menacingly large group of the Duke of Norfolk's retainers and servants, attended the country court at Ipswich where the Suffolk MPs for the forthcoming parliament were to be elected. Their plan - that Daniel himself should be nominated as one of the knights of the shire - did not get very far. The sheriff reported back to Westminster that he had been unable to hold a valid election 'because of menaces and threats', and pointed out that Daniel was in any case not qualified to represent the county in parliament because he held no lands there; it was in Norfolk, not Suffolk, that he had managed, however fraudulently, to acquire some estates. Nevertheless, it was precisely this kind of casual assumption on Daniel's part that he could get what he wanted by bullying and intimidation which had caused such problems for more than a year, and when the King's judges arrived in the region three days later they were inundated with complaints against the servants of both Daniel himself and the Duke of Norfolk, who was now looking more like Daniel's stooge than his patron. - see CASTORB/92-3 - see PRO/E28/84; KB27/775-Coram Rege-rot-20v.

- 1453 It took Justices Prisot, Bingham and Danvers two weeks to hear all the indictments which the gentlemen of Norfolk and Suffolk were waiting to present to them. Charles Nowell and Roger Ledham were charged with a string of offences committed in and around Bradeston, including the assault on Philip Berney at Thorpe wood. The whole story of Roger Church's treacherous behaviour was also told in court. In Suffolk, meanwhile, the Duke of Norfolk's men, with Nowell and his brothers among their number, were accused of violent attackson the Duchess of Suffolk's parks and servants going back as far as February 1450. For good measure - presumably on the principle that a treason charge was always a useful weapon - several of Norfolk's retainers, including Charles Nowell, were accused of planning to kill the King and make the Duke of York 'king and governor' of the realm. There could be no better demonstration of the political convulsions which Daniel and Norfolk had precipitated in only twelve months than the fact that, during the course of these hearings, John Paston found himself serving on a presenting jury shoulder-to-shoulder with his old enemies Sir Thomas Tuddenham and John Wyndham - see CASTORB/93 - see PASTONA/48 - see PRO/KB9/85/2-mm-8&14&17-17v&25&6&30&33&35&37 - see PRO/KB9/118/1-mm-16&22-4&28-9&36 - see PRO/KB9/118/21-mm-30;

- 1453 Despite the fact that Daniel and Norfolk between them had inspired a chorus of complaint among the region's gentry more general than any of the grievances expressed in 1450-1, the Duke of Somerset could not afford to alienate Norfolk and risk driving him into the arms of the Duke of York, who had been forced for the time being to retreat to the safety of his own estates but would surely seize any opportunity to reassert himself in government. Norfolk was therefore able to secure letters from King Henry ordering that legal process against his leading retainers should be halted - a decision justified, with magnificent vagueness, by 'certain causes and considerations moving us' - see CASTORB/? - see PASTONA/?

- 1453 However, even if there was no prospect that any of the accused would ever be convicted, the very fact that so many of the Duke's servants had been hauled into court represented a slap on his wrist. Not only that, but the extent to which he was under pressure from his peers was apparent in the manoeuvring which surrounded the court hearings. All the main protagonists demanded that their opponents bind themselves to keep the peace, on pain of financial penalties ranging from a couple of hundered to a couple of thousand pounds. Not only did this process confirm that former allies, such as the Earl of Oxford, were now ranged against him, but Norfolk himself was the only one of all those involved who was required to bind himself in the humiliatingly large sum of £10,000. As a result, the February inquiries did mean that the freedom of action which Daniel and Norfolk had enjoyed up to this point was at last curtailed. Daniel's men were still in occupation at Bradeston, but their reign of terror was over. Finally, after years of subordinating family life to the pressing demands of self-defence, the Pastons had a chance to catch their breath - see CASTORB/93-4 - see PRO/KB9/118/2-mm-163-4&57&36&30&28&24-5&21&18.

- 1453 Two months later, when the Queen, Margaret of Anjou, visited Norwich, Margaret Paston had new worries to face, but for once they were sartorial rather than political. She was concerned not to look like the poor relation among the great and the good who assembled for the royal reception, and in the end had to borrow a necklace from her close friend Elizabeth Clere, 'for I dared not for shame go with my beads among so many fresh gentlewomen as here were at that time'. It was a difficulty she was determined would not be repeated: 'I pray you that you will do your cost on me against Whitsuntide that I may have something for my neck', she asked her husband firmly. In the summer she finally found the family at home in Norwich, even if the house was to rent rather than buy and a little more expensive than they had hoped, despite Margaret's best efforts at negotiation over the price. 'He would not let it in no wise less than 5 marks,' she told John 'I told him that surely you should not know but that I hired it of him for £3. I said, as for the noble, I should pay it of my own purse, that you should not have knowledge thereof.' However, her pleasure in their new home was tempered by sad family news. 'As for the chamber that you assigned to my uncle' she wrote on 6 July, 'God has purveyed for him as his will is' . Philip Berney had died four days earlier, 'with the greatest pain that ever I saw man', Agnes told John - a loss which was immediately counted among Charles Nowell's crimes, on the grounds that Philip had never been the same since the attack on the road at Thorpe fifteen months earlier. ..... - see CASTORB/94 - see PASTONA/146-7.

- 1453 ...The difficulty was that, absorbed first by his struggle with Moleyns over Gresham and then by the outrages of Daniel and his men, John had neither the time to give any thought to his sister's misery, nor the inclination to set aside the money she would need as a dowry...... - see PASTONA/96.

-1453 What is also clear is that the 'riottys felowshipp' which had provoked this remarkable alliance were servants of Thomas Daniel. Nowell had been appointed bailiff of Bradeston by Daniel after the expulsion of Mundford, and those who were accused of riot at his instigation were said specifically to be 'notable and thryfty men that were well willid to the seyd Munford for the seid maner of Brayston'. What is not clear from the Paston evidence, but emerges from the judical records of the oyer and terminer commission of 1453, is that Nowell and Lethum were as closely involved with the duke of Norfolk as they were with his ally Daniel. The records of the hearings in Norfolk offer only oblque references to this relationship; Nowell and his accomplice John Radcliff are described in some of the indictments as esquires 'late of Framlingham'. The records of the Suffolk commission offer more explicit evidence. According to these indictments, Daniel's men had joined forces with some of Norfolk's retainers to carry out repeated attacks on de la Pole property. Their incursions into Suffolk's parks and attacks on his servants were alleged to have begun in February 1450 and to have been renewed during the summer and autumn of that year - see CASTORA/173-4&notes:85-90.

- 1453 PL Davis i 73 Gairdner ii 274; In one of the indictments heard before the commission of 1452, Nowell is described as an esquire 'late of Bradeston'; indicted with him was John Dowebyggyng, 'late of Rydon', who had been in Daniel's service at least since his fraudulent dealings with Henry Wodehous. In 1453 Daniel and Nowell were indicted at the manorial court of Bradeston for breaking the close there and stealing horses, cattle, and sheep: KB9/85/2 m17; Rot Parl v 340-1; BL Add Roll 26849 m39 - CASTORA/note:85.

- 1453 Roger Chirche, who had been persuaded to make a confession in order to implicate these men, was also to be secured a pardon 'be the mene of Danyell': PL Davis i 73 79 Gairdner ii 274 312 KB9/85/2 m37 - CASTORA/notes:86&87.

- 1453 This difference between the judical records of Norfolk and Suffolk - that members of the gentry appear as protagonists in their own right in accounts of incidents in Norfolk, and as servants of noblemen in the context of disputes in Suffolk - is a specific demonstration of the general contrast between the geopolitical characteristics of the two shires, for which see above pages 55-7 - CASTORA/note:88.

- 1453 The men indicted included Mowbray retainers such as John Howard, Edmund Fitzwilliam, John Framlyngham, and Thomas Chambre, as well as Charles, Otwell, and Arthur Nowell. All the above were described as 'late of Framlingham Castle': KB9/118/1 m22; KB9/118/2 m165. - CASTORA/note:89.

- 1453 KB9/118/1 mm8,22,28-9; KB9/118/2 mm16-17. The duchess of Suffolk had accused John Howard, the Nowells, and others of trespasses (presumably connected with their incursions into her properties) in the Michaelmas term of 1452: KB9/118/1 m22; KB9/118/2 m165. - CASTORA/note:90.

- 1453 Thomas Danyell sued by Sir John Fastolf for slanderous language in claiming to be heir to Fastolf's lands in Norfolk and Suffolk 1450-3 - see EARLY-CPS/19/115 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1453 Thomas Danyell, a Norfolk elector - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1453 Thomas Danyell, MP for Middlesex? 1453-4 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1453 Thomas Danyell with Tresham and Trevelyan made Bill to Lords concerning garrison at Windsor to safequard King and Prince - see PASTON/i/264-5 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1453 Although in this local context Norfolk had alienated his natural constituency among the gentry, at a national level he was able to secure some concessions from the regime headed by the duke of Somerset. Somerset's establishment of an authoritative government in the wake of Suffolk's fall depended fundamentally - as had Suffolk's regime before it - on the widespread support it was able to command among the lords. The failure of Suffolk's rule, however, meant that it was necessary for Somerset to try to distinguish the regime which he headed from its predecessor in the light of the critisisms which had erupted in 1450, despite the underlying continuity in political structures. Somerset's appeal to noble consensus therefore necessitated the conciliation of those few magnates who had been in some sense excluded from the regime of the 1440s, a prime example being Norfolk himself, whose opposition, such as it was, to Suffolk's government, as well as his temporary association with York during the crisis of 1450-1, had been prompted by his inability to obtain a stake in the rule of East Anglia in the face of Suffolk's local hegemony. Somerset's response to the crisis of order in Norfolk and Suffolk therefore seems to have been to back 'all the competing factions at once'. Both Norfolk and Scales, for example, among many other lords including Somerset himself, were appointed to the commission of oyer and terminer which sat in February 1453. Despite Norfolk's presence on the commission, the hearings unleashed a flood of indictments relating to the activities of Nowell, Lethum, and their associates, as well as an attempt to implicate some of the duke's most prominent followers, including the Nowells, in the organization of Cade's rebellion. However, Norfolk was able to prevent process of exigent being awarded against them in February and again in April, and to secure pardons even for men such as John Framlyngham and William and Hugh Ashton who had been among those accused of treason - see CASTORA/176-7&note:101.

- 1453 Sir William Ashton, Edmund Fitzwilliam, Charles and Otwell Nowell, Hugh Ashton, John Radcliff, Thomas Chambre, and John Framlyngham were indicted, among others, with Sir William Oldhall at the Suffolk hearings for treasonably conspiring to make York 'king and governor' of the realm: KB9/118/1 m 30; see also KB9/271 m 117; KB27/770 Rex rot 3 - see CASTORAnote:101.

- 1453 Nevertheless, the evenhandedness was not enough to satisfy Norfolk's expectations that he would assume the rule of the region once Suffolk was removed. Though Norfolk did enjoy a new degree of access to the powers of the crown, his failure to establish his authority over the de la Pole affinity and its survival as a powerful local rival meant that this access could not be exclusive, given that Somerset's government could only attempt to accomodate, rather than discriminate between, the demands of competing local factions. Moreover, without substantially privileged access to royal authority, Norfolk stood little chance of achieving local dominance, since his small and partisan following could not match the broad network of longstanding connections which constituted the de la Pole interest, and which was now reinforced by those gentlemen who had been alienated from Mowbray lordship by Norfolk's alliance with Daniel. Under these circumstances, it was always likely that York, who had since 1450 consistently aligned himself with popular criticism of Suffolk and his adherents, would attract Norfolk's support when he renewed his challenge to Somerset at the end of 1453 - see CASTORA/177-8.

- 1453 Norfolk certainly seems to have supposed that York's protectorate offered a renewed opportunity to gain the upper hand against the de la Pole affinity, and to recoup some of the ground he had lost during 1452-3. The hearings of February 1453, for example, had coincided with a failed attempt on Norfolk's part to control the shire election in Suffolk. On 12 February, a group of Mowbray retainers led by Thomas Daniel, John Howard, and William Ashton, alleged to have numbered 600 men, went to the county court at Ipswich to participate in the election. When the officials of the pro-de la Pole sheriff, Thomas Sharnburne, refused to co-operate with their wishes, Norfolk's men took matters into their own hands and nominated John Wingfield and Daniel himself as the county's representatives. This drastic intervention achieved little. The election was declared invalid, and at the shire court a month later the names of Philip Wentworth and Gilbert Debenham were returned instead. Moreover, the sheriff's return of the writ for the original election, declaring that he had been prevented from holding the shire court 'be cause of manas and thretes', initiated proceedings against Daniel and his companions in the court of Common Pleas - see CASTORA/178&notes:106-8.

- 1453 These details are taken from Sharnburne's account of the incident: KB27/775 Coram Rege rot. 20v - see CASTORA/note:106.

- 1453 Wentworth was closely associated with the de la Pole interest, and although Debenham had been a Mowbray servant, he was one of the gentlemen alienated from the duke during this period (see above, at n. 84). As Roger Virgoe notes, few if any, Mowbray supporters were present at this second election. - R.Virgoe, 'Three Suffolk Parliamentary Elections of the Mid-Fifteenth Century', in Virgoe, East Anglian Society, 55-6; C219/16/2 m55 - see CASTORA/note:107.

- 1453 E28/84. Despite Sharnburne's protestations, it seems more than likely - as Virgoe points out - that, however Norfolk's men comported themselves, the sheriff would have sought to delay the election to avoid the influence of such a substantial Mowbray contingent. Nevertheless, the other activities of Daniel and his men at around the same time suggest, first, that Sharnburne's admittedly partial account of their aggression is not inherently improbable, and secondly that Norfolk's men could by no means claim to represent the voice of the shire, since they had alienated such a broad section of local political society (see above, pages 172-6). Indeed, their 'election' was blatantly partisan and hamfistedly imposed, since, as Sharnburne was able to point out, Daniel held no lands in Suffolk and was therefore unqualified to represent the county: KB27/775 Coram Rege rot. 20v - see CASTORA/note:108.

- 1453 18/11 Thomas Danyell - John Henry the elder citizen of Norwich lytster to Thomas Danyell esquire, Thomas Danyell citizen of London dyer, and John Henry citizen of Norwich the younger lytster, their executors and assigns. Gift of all his goods and chattels and all debts to him due within the realm. Dated 15/3 31 Henry 6. Memorandum of acknowledgement in chancery at Westminster 18/11 - see CLOSE/482.

- 1454 Thomas Danyell - draft petition mentions Thomas Danyell - see PASTONA/1/79.

- 1454 Thomas Danyell - John Corbet of Assyngton county Suffolk otherwise of London to John earl of Oxford, Henry viscount Bourchier, John Clopton esquire, Thomas Colt gentleman, John Wynne jeweller of London, Robert Baker of Stoke county Suffolk, John Candy and Thomas Danyell of London, dyer, their executors and assigns - gift of all his lands in London, Suffolk and elsewhere - see CLOSE/514.

- 1454 This setback provoked no immediate response from Norfolk. By April 1454, however, York had established his supremacy in government in place of Somerset, and Norfolk rapidly took the opportunity to reopen the matter. On 27 May, he submitted a petition to York and the other lords of the council, recounting how, fifteen months earlier, his servants had legitimately and peacefully attended the Suffolk election, only to be victimised by Sharburne who was 'ymagyngng and purposyng to make knyghtes of the shire aftyre hys owne intent and for hys syngler covytyse'. His request that his men should be allowed to appear in court by attorney was granted, and when the case finally appeared in King's Bench in February 1455, during the very last days of the first protectorate, William Ashton and sixteen of the others were allowed to go sine die on a legal technicality. Norfolk also chose the period of York's government to present his claim to the manors of Stockton and Geldeston, which he had signally failed to make good during the 1440s, to the courts - see CASTORA/178-9&notes:109-11.

- 1454 E28/84. This petition gives the date of the disputed election as 19 February (the Monday after St Valentine). However, as Roger Virgfoe demonstrates, the date given in KB27/775 Coram Rege rot 20v (the Monday before St Valentine) seems to be the correct one: Virgoe, 'Three Suffolk Parliamentary Elections', 63 n18. The petition (but not the attached list of Norfolk's men) is printed in POPC, vi 183-4 - see CASTORA/note:109.

- 1455 John Danyel of Cherytrehurste - By John de Legh late of Legh Esq., Richard de Legh son and heir apparent of said John, Geoffrey Starky son and heir apparent of Richard Starky late of Stretton and John Danyell late of Cherytrehurste to John Par late of Worsley the elder in four marcs. re possible death of Alice, wife of John Par Dated 20 October 35 Hen. VI. Seal - these documents are held at Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies Service Bond DLL 3/85 1456.

- 1454 Ashton and the others (who included Edmund Fitzwilliam) claimed there was no case to answer because only the tenor of Sharnburne's return, and not the return itself, had been submitted to the court: KB27/775 Coram Rege rot 20v. In the autumn of the same year, the duke's esquire John Radcliff received a general pardon, which allowed him to escape charges which had been brought for his part in the Mowbray attacks on de la Pole property in 1450: KB27/778 Rex riti 25, 28; for the attacks, see above, at note 90. For the end of the protectorate, see Griffith, Henry VI 739 - see CASTORA/note:110.

- 1454 Norfolk seems to have taken the properties briefly during 1453, when the duchess's accounts record both his intrusion and a payment to Philip Wentworth for re-establishing her possession (BL Eg Roll 8779 mm 4 9). The duke's supposed feoffes in the manor (Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, Henry, Viscount Bourchier, and John Southwell) then presented their petition in the summer of 1455. Norfolk's decision to take his case to law at this point in the long-running dispute indicates that he expected a favourable hearing from the courts under York's regime, a not unreasonable assumption, given that his chief representative, the archbishop, had recently taken office as chancellor and therefore presided over the court of chancery where the plea was initially heard. However, York's unwillingness to maintain overtly partisan causes is evident from the fact that Norfolk faced opposition not only from the attorneys of the duchess of Suffolk, who had held the manors since 1450, but also from lawyers representing the king, who supported the duchess's account of the descent of the properties but argued that they should have been taken into the king's hand after Suffolk's death. Norfolk's claim does seem to have been weak. He argued that the Mowbrays had possessed the manors until unjustly disseised first by the Bigots and then by their descendants the Garneys. However, the king's attorney was able to demonstrate that both Norfolk's father and the duke himself had accepted the Garneys' homage for the manors (as held of Norfolk's manor of Forncett). Perhaps frustrated by this lack of legal success, Norfolk resorted to more direct methods, in which he was again assisted by his enhanced influence under York. In 1456 the duke's servant Richard Southwell, who had been appointed to the escheatorship, seized the manors from the duchess. She petitioned the chancellor in August of that year, and seems to have won her case (presumably after Bourchier's departure from office two months later) and been restored to possession of the properties. Norfolk later seized the estates once again, although the precise date of this attack is not clear. KB27/778 Coram Rege ro 51; C1/25/77; C1/26/164; see above pages - see CASTORA/note:111.

- 1454 York's ascendancy during 1454 and the latter part of 1455 after the first battle of St Albans also gave Norfolk a substantially enhanced stake in the administration of the East Anglian shires. Appointments to local office during these years show a consistent degree of Mowbray influence which was unprecedented during the 1440s and highly unusual during the 1450s. The sheriff appointed in November 1454 was Robert Wingfield's son John, who had returned to Norfolk's service after his father's death. John Wingfield's brother Robert represented Suffolk in the parliament of July 1455 together with William Jenney, who had been associated with the campaign against the de la Pole affinity in 1450-1; the MPs for Norfolk were the Norfolk retainers Roger Chamberleyn and John Howard. The escheator in 1454 was William Brandon, who had also apparently been reconciled with the duke, and in the following year Brandon was succeeded by Norfolk's servant Richard Southwell - see CASTORA/179-80&notes:112-13&115&117.

- 1454 Norfolk and Oxford did not take part in the battle [of St Albans] because they arrived a day too late: PL Gairdner iii 30 - see CASTORA/note:112.

- 1454 List of Sheriffs for England and Wales, PRO Lists and Indexes, 9 (1898), 87 - see CASTORA/note:113.

- 1454 In June the duchess of Norfolk had written to ask John Paston to support their nomination, explaining that 'it is thought right necessarie for diuers causes that my lord haue at this tyme in the parlement suche persones as longe vnto him and be of his menyall seruauntz'. The election indenture confirms that the process was dominated by Mowbray servants. Norfolk's influence prevailed despite the fact that Howard's election was far from uncontroversial. It was reported that Howard was not acceptable 'in asmeche as he hadde no lyvelode in the shire, nor couersaunt' and that 'it is an evil precedent for the shire that a straunge man shulde be chosyn, and no wushipp to ... my lord of Norffolk to write for hym; for yf the jentilmen of the shire will suffre such inconvenyens ... the shire shall noght be called of seche wurshipp as it hathe be'. The extent to which the duke was still struggling to assert his authority against that of his dead rival is demonstrated by the fact that he responded to complaints about Howard's nomination by declaring that 'the shire shulde have fre eleccion, soo that Sir Thomas Todenham were noght nor none that was toward the Duc of Suffolk': PL Davis, ii 117, 119-21 (Gairdner, iii 34 38-9); C219/16/3 m36 - see CASTORA/note:115.

- 1454 List of Escheators for England and Wales, PRO Lists and Indexes, 72 (1971), 88; PL Davis, ii 76-7 (Gairdner, ii 254-5); PL Gairdner iii 21 - see CASTORA/note:117.

- 1454 Norfolk was therefore able to profit from his association with York to pursue longstanding grievances and to reinforce his own local authority. He seems to have acted in the expectation that York would offer him partisan support in his struggle to assert the local rule which he appears to have assumed was his by right. However, York's ability to fulfil Norfolk's hopes was limited by the fact that his regime, as had Somerset's, depended fundamentally on commanding broad support among the lords. Partisan intervention in regional affairs would have jepardized the survival of his consensus. Though Norfolk was a prominent member of the Yorkist council in 1454, therefore, so was his local rival Scales, and, at a local level, though Mowbray servants dominated the offices of the royal administration, Tuddenham and Heydon were still able to secure places on special commissions in the area - see CASTORA/180-1.

- 1454 York's influence in government [1454] was good news for John Paston, just as it had been in the autumn of 1450. The Duke's ascendancy meant the retreat of the power of the royal household, something which was apparent as early as the beginning of November 1453, when Osbert Mundford at last succeeded in reclaiming his manor of Bradeston from Thomas Daniel's men. Once York became Protector, John lost no time in drafting a petition which detailed yet again all of Nowell and Ledham's activities, including harassment which Mundford's men had suffered in the few months since they had returned to Bradeston - see CASTORB/98 - see PASTONA/48.

- 1454 The petition alleged that on 5 November 1453 twenty of Ledham's men - 'and no man of reputation among them' - 'came under colour of hunting and broke up gates and closes of Osbert Mundford at Bradeston. And twelve persons of the same fellowship, with bows bent and arrows ready in their hands, abided alone between the manor of Bradeston and the church, and there kept them from seven of the clock in the morning unto three of the clock after noon, lying in wait upon the servants of the said Osbert Mundford, lord of the said manor, so that none dared come out for doubt of their lives'. Two days later eight of the men allegedly lay in wait 'privily in a hole' to ambush two of Mundford's servants on their way back from Acle market. 'and thereupon chased them so that if they had not been well horsed and well escaped they had been dead and slain'. - see CASTORB/chapter-5;note-46.

- 1454 Robert Ledham's establishment at Witton was a disorderly house full of criminals, John said - 'six or seven of the said Ledham's men daily, both workday and holiday, used to go about in the country with bows and arrows, shooting and playing in men's closes among men's cattle, going from alehouse to alehouse and menacing such as they hated, and sought occasion and quarrels and debates' - and the indictments against them should therefore be allowed to proceed. Daniel himself was outlawed in the spring of 1454 because he failed to appear in court to answer the Earl of Oxford for a debt of £100'. Although sentence of outlawry was little more than an inconvenience for a man of Daniel's standing, the fact that process had been started against him was a clear sign that his influence was fading - see CASTORB/98-9.

- 1454 'six or seven of the said Ledham's men daily, both workday and holiday, used to go about in the country with bows and arrows, shooting and playing in men's closes among men's cattle, going from alehouse to alehouse and menacing such as they hated, and sought occasion and quarrels and debates' - see PASTONA/48.

- 1454 Daniel was able to secure the annulment of the sentence of outlawry in 1457, on the grounds that he had been serving in Scotland in the spring of 1454 and had therefore been unable to appear in court to answer the summons - see CASTORB/chapter-5;note-48 - see PRO/KB27/782-rot.114.

- 1454 Not only that, but his alliance with the Duke of Norfolk, which had caused so much havoc in East Anglia, was stretched to breaking point by their different reactions to the Protectorate. Unimpressed by Somerset's attempt to discipline him, Norfolk was one of York's strongest supporters in the autumn of 1453. Daniel, on the other hand, derived his influence from his position in the royal household, and therefore had a fundamental interest in supporting Somerset. However much damage they were each capable of causing on their own, they would never again join forces as they had done to such disruptive effect in 1452 - see CASTORB/998 - see PASTONA/48 - see PRO/KB27/782-rot.114.

- 1454 The enforced retreat of Daniel's men from Bradeston was not the only benefit of York's rule from the Paston point of view. The end of Somerset's household-based regime also meant that John Paston's old enemy John Heydon was now more vulnerable than at any point since 1450, and some of the charges which Heydon and Thomas Tuddenham had faced in that year - and thought they had seen off for good at the Walsingham sessions in 1451 - were revived in King's Bench early in 1454. By that stage, John Paston had also received welcome news of Lord Moleyns. Moleyns had neither given up his claim to Gresham, nor paid any compensation for the damage his men had done there, but at least he was no longer in a position to cause the Pastons further trouble. He went to France early in 1453 to take part in the last-ditch defence of Gascony, and was captued by the French shortly after his arrival. He remained a prisoner there for six years until his family had gathered the vast ransom demanded for his release - see CASTORB/99 - see PRO/KB9/272-mm-2-5.

- 1454 .....Thomas Billing, a serjeant-at-law, had spoken sharply to Daniel's man Robert Ledham on the subject of his feud with John [Paston] ..... - see CASTORB/99.

- 1454 .....John's experience at the hands of the Duke of Norfolk and Thomas Daniel had given him little cause before this to feel that the friendship of great men was worth having..... - see CASTORB/100.

- 1454 this John Wodehouse built here a large and most royal and beautiful manorhouse called the Rey on the river hereby which cost him 2000 marks sterling with stately offices etc about a mile from Rising in which he died in 1430 and this noble edifice was entirely destroyed and pulled down to the ground by the advice and assistance of Thomas Lord Scales about 24/9/1454 by the consent of the heir of the founder and his particular friend - the reason assigned is that Thomas Danyel esquire of Lancashire late sheriff of Norfolk by the assistance and power of John (Mowbray) Duke of Norfolk on account of his marrying a kinssman of the said Duke pretending a right and title to the said lordship falsely asserting that Wodehouse the heir to his father (the founder) had given it to him. On this pretence he several times entered the same by force and a great army of the Duke. And then the Lord Scales did out of good intention, though much to the loss and damage of Wodehouse's heirs. Upon this I presume the said Thomas Daniel became lord and was also constable of Rising castle etc but on the accession of Edward 4 the said Thomas is said to have been attainted and was then most likely granted to Anthony Woodville who was created Lord Scales having married Elizabeth daughter and heiress of Thomas Lord Scales - Note: the heir was Henry Wodehouse esquire who died in 1450 without issue and his estate descended to his brother John Wodehouse esquire. Thomas Daniel esquire married Margaret daughter of Robert Howard by Margaret daughter and coheiress of Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolk - see BLOMEFIELD/9/60.

- 1454 Thomas and John March sons of Sir William were found to have held the manor of Kingshall alias Marche and Joan was their sister and heir married to Thomas Chepstede and on the death of the said Joan c 32nd of Henry 6, Lawrence Daniel her cousin and heir and it came next to his son Thomas Daniel who was a gentleman of great trust and dignity in that reign, governor or constable of Rising Castle etc and a knight in the 14th of Edward 4 [Blomefield wrong here as these details belong to another Thomas Daniel] whose son inherited it - see BLOMEFIELD/10/383.

- 1454 Laurence Danyel of Walsoken - died seized of 180 acres of land, in this town [West Walton} and Walsoken, in the 33d of Henry VI. in the 32d of the said King, he was found aged 50, and to be heir and cousin of Joan, widow of Thomas Chepstede, and thereby had the manor of Stanhots Marshes or Marshes, in Norfolk, which he enjoyed but ooe year, and left them to his son, Thomas Danyel, who was then 30 years old: this Thomas was constable (as I take it) of Rysing Castle, and afterwards a knight: see in Rysing. Peter, son and heir of Sir Peter de Hobois, gave lands to her in Callhorpe [Blomefield is mixing up two Thomases here] - see BLOMEFIELD/9/138.

- 1454 16/5 Thomas Danyel - to John Twyer esquire and William Bosom by mainprise of Thomas Danyell of London gentleman, Gregory Gybon of Nortlynne Norfolk esquire for the manor of Marchesmane - see FINE/1452-61/88.

- 1454 Thomas Danyel - to Margaret Queen of England by mainprise of Thomas Danyel of London, gentleman, and Gregory Guybon of North Lynne Norfolk, gentleman, - of keeping of all castles, lordships, manors and lands (excepting manor of Rye county Hertford) late of Andrew Ogard, knight, who held of king to hold from death of Andrew until full age of his heir Henry - see FINE/1452-61/111.

- 1454 24/11 & 1455 2/11 Thomas Danyel - to Richard, earl of Salisbury, John Fray late chief baron of Exchequer, Henry Grene esquire, Gilbert Haltoft, William Roys and Richard Riche - by mainprise of Robert Whytyingham, esquire, Thomas Danyell, gent, both of London - of keeping castle of Bokenham, manor of Old Bokenham, New Bokenham, Bokenham Lathis and Typenham and two thirds of manor of Grishagh in Wymondham Norfolk - see FINE/1452-61/112&141.

- 1455 John Danyel of Cherytrehurste - By John de Legh late of Legh Esq., Richard de Legh son and heir apparent of said John, Geoffrey Starky son and heir apparent of Richard Starky late of Stretton and John Danyell late of Cherytrehurste to John Par late of Worsley the elder in four marcs. re possible death of Alice, wife of John Par Dated 20 October 35 Hen. VI. Seal - these documents are held at Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies Service Bond DLL 3/85 1456.

- 1455 14/5 Thomas Danyel - to Robert Whytyngham esquire and William Tyrell esquire - by mainprise of Thomas Danyell of county of Norfolk gentleman and Thomas Scargyll of the county of Essex gentleman - of keeping of manors of Hilberworth, West Bradenham and Tranewys (Craneways) with all appurtancies county Norfolk, held in kings hands by death of John Clyfton knight - see FINE/1452-61/133.

- 1455 7/2 Thomas Danyel - William Merssh of Shetley county Suffolk 'yoman' for not appearing before Richard Neuton and his fellows to answer Thomas Danyell esquire late sheriff of Suffolk touching a debt of 10 marks in city of Norwich - Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/186.

- 1455.....Another petitioner was Henry Woodhouse, the victim of Thomas Daniel's trickery over his engagement to Daniel's already-married sister, who at last [1455] secured restitution of his title to his own estates at Roydon. The judgement came too late to save his home there, however. Ten months earlier, desparate at his inability to defend himself more effectively, Woodhouse had arranged for the manor house to be demolished - see CASTORB/??.

- 1455c His son John [Mowbray] did not in fact get the title [Duke of Norfolk] back until 1426, by which time Margaret had married Robert Howard. There were three children of this marriage, John Howard himself, and two girls, Margaret, who married Thomas Daniel, for many years one of Henry VI's court party and thus in simple terms a Lancastrian in the civil war, and Catherine, who married Edward Nevill, Lord Abergavenny, brother of her aunt Catherine, Duchess of Norfolk - see CRAWFORDA/11.

- 1455c Hunting usually meant a few days away from home, either at Castle Rising when his brother-in-law, Thomas Daniel still held it or with the Earl of Oxford at Lavenham or Wivenhoe - see CRAWFORDA/26.

- 1455.....In the early 1450s Thomas Daniel - never one to miss a potential trick - claimed to have been named Fastolf's heir, a 'slander' which Fastolf complained was a 'noyous great vexation' to him. Not to be outdone, the Duke of Norfolk let it be known in 1451 that 'Sir John Fastolff has given him Caister, and he will have it plainly'. The Duke's own ancestral home was a 300-year-old castle in Suffolk, and the possibility of acquiring a comfortable and fashionable new house, strategically placed on the Norfolk coast, was too tempting to ignore - see CASTORB/119

- 1455c 'slander' 'Sir John Fastolff has given him Caister, and he will have it plainly' - see PASTONA/25.

- 1455 Elizabeth Danyell, sister of Thomas Danyell promised to Woodhouse, but she had secretly married someone else, thus leading to dispute over lands with Woodhouse resulting in petition to Parliament by Woodhouse in 1455 - see WEDGEWOOD - see RAPER.

- 1455 Elizabeth Torbock nee Danyell - petition from "your pover and contyuel Oratour Henry Wodhous" sets forth that certain feoffes of "John Wodehous, fader to your said Bisecher whose heir he is, of the manoirs of Grymston, Rydon, Congham, and Rysing with the appurtenaunces in the Countie of Norff', by the praier and desire of your said Besecher enfeoffed Thomas Daniell and John Dowwebiggyng" in trust "to the use of oon Alice late the Wif to John Wodhous Squier, and Moder unto your said Bisecher" for her life and afterwards "to use of the your said Bisecher after the deceise of the said Alice, and also to that affiaunce and ends that your said Bisecher should have had Elizabeth suster of the said Thomas Daniell to his Wif, the whiche Elizabeth was married to another man after the said Feoffment so made, that is to say, to oon Richard Torbok, unknowying to your said Bisecher: and so by the mean of the said Thomas Danyell, your said Bisecher wowed the said Elizabeth, she beying at that time another mannes wif, at oon John of Kent's hous; which John delivered there to your said Bisecher xxd. by comaundement of the said Thomas Danyell at that same tyme to make the said Elizabeth good chere withalle:" and further that his "Manoir of Welles, otherwise called the Priory Alien or the Hous of Welles, and otherwise called Welhalls" in Norfolk was feoffed to Thomas Danyell and others for the same purpose; and the petitioner prays that all these feoffments, etc, may be annulled, and that he may enter on the enjoyment of the manors and lands in question - his prayer was granted, except as to profits received whilst he was not in possession - see PARLIAMENT/v/341 - see KIMBERLEY/21.

- 1455 Thomas Danyell, dispute with Joseph Wodehouse over Rey manor-house Castle Rising - see WHITE

- 1455 Thomas Danyell, MP for Cricklade 1455-6 (though Christian name missing) - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1455 Thomas Danyell still held Castle Rising 11/1455 - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5.

- 1455 Moreover, Norfolk's position during these years seems to have been based on a profound misreading of the political complexion of the 'country' he aspired to rule. His estates in Suffolk were at least as substantial as those which maintained the de la Pole affinity there, but his avowed intention to secure for himself 'the princypall rewle and governance throwh all this schir, of whishe we ber our name' took no account of the fact that his own territorial stake in Norfolk was not significant enough to support that degree of authority. The key to the rule of the shire was control of the Duchy of Lancaster estates, which remained firmly in the hands of the longstanding representatives of Duchy interests in the area, Thomas Tuddenham and John Heydon. Norfolk undoubtedly gained the upper hand in local affairs under York's protectorate, but this did not represent the restoration of the traditional power of a territorial magnate previously excluded from government. Rather, the duke had tried and failed during the previous fifteen years to establish an effective local lordship in the face of a well-established regional interest reinforced by local royal and noble power, York's regime offered him an opportunity finally to make some headway - see CASTORA/181.

- 1455 Unsurprisingly, given the territorial balance of power in the two shires, Norfolk's ascendancy was limited. It was also short-lived. Tuddenham and Heydon had been reappointed to the commission of the peace in March 1455, after the collapse of York's first protectorate; they kept their places on the bench in the commissions issued after the end of the second protectorate in 1456. Indeed, from this point on, it ceased to be possible for any of the interests competing for dominance in East Anglia to secure local control by winning privileged access to the central powers of the crown. It seems that the collapse of even the illusion of a workable national authority constituted in the person of the king meant that, between 1456 and the beginning of 1459, whether the political initiative rested with the queen or with York, such legitimacy as the regime could claim for itself and such power as the regime could claim for itself and such power as it could wield lay in the public authority of the crown as constituted and represented by the unified body of the lords. Though it was such noble support that had previously allowed Suffolk, Somerset, and York at various times to direct the king's government, the dislocation of the polity was now so severe and so explicit that consensus was the only basis for any effective rule, and no single interest could easily exclude its rivals without forfeiting its claim to exercise legitimate authority. Therefore, though Norfolk's interests had 'naturally' rested with York and the principle of the rule of the lords (because his local influence was restricted by men whose power had originally derived from their access to the personal authority of the king), and though Scales's connections with the household drew him into association with the queen and her attempts to reassert the personal authority of the crown, both were included in government during this period. This analysis of national power structures is supported by the evidence of East Anglian local government. The commission of array issued in Norfolk in September 1457, for example, was comprehensively representative, including Norfolk himself, Oxford and Fastolf, their longstanding opponents Scales, Tuddenham, and Stapleton, and the maverick figure of Thomas Daniel - see CASTORA/181-2&note:128.

- 1455 The commission issued in Suffolk included York, Norfolk, John Wingfield, and Gilbert Debenham (for whose return to Mowbray service, see PL Davis, i 72 ii 118 120 (Gairdner ii 273 ii 35 39), as well as Philip Wentworth, Thomas Brewes, and John Hopton, all associated with the de la Pole affinity: CPR 1452-61, 402. For other broadly based commissions, see J L Watts, 'Domestic Politics and the Constitution in the Reign of Henry VI' unpublished PhD thesis (Cambridge 1990) 347, n363 - see CASTORA/note:128.

- 1455 John Danyel of Cherytrehurste - By John de Legh late of Legh Esq., Richard de Legh son and heir apparent of said John, Geoffrey Starky son and heir apparent of Richard Starky late of Stretton and John Danyell late of Cherytrehurste to John Par late of Worsley the elder in four marcs. re possible death of Alice, wife of John Par Dated 20 October 35 Hen. VI. Seal - these documents are held at Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies Service Bond DLL 3/85 1456.

- 1455 Despite both sides' need to maintain a broad consensus during these years, the conventional course of high politics seems to have facilitated the gradual restoration of traditional divisions and alliances among the East Anglian gentry after the trauma caused by Daniel and his followers in 1452-3 - see CASTORA/182.

- 1455 Despite both sides' need to to maintain a broader consensus during these years, the convoluted course of high politics seems to have facilitated the gradual restoration of traditional divisions and alliances among the East Anglian gentry after the trauma caused by Daniel and his followers in 1452-3. Proceedings against Lethum and Nowell continued in 1454, but by the summer of 1455 Gilbert Debenham, who had been alientated from Norfolk because of the influence of the duke'd 'new cownseyll', was back in the Mowbray household, and John Paston had also clearly returned to the duke's political orbit. Moreover, the alliance between the de la Pole affinity and erstwhile Mowbray servants provoked by the activities of Lethum et al seems to have disintegrated. York's ascendancy, and the consequentially artificially enhanced influence of Mowbray interests at a local level in 1454, seem to have left Tuddenham and Heydon, the most prominent of Suffolk's former servants in the region, temporarily more vulnerable than at any point since 1450-1. Early in 1454 some of the charges which had been brought against them in 1450 were revived in King's Bench; in November a burgess of Lynn cited a legal technicality to secure the reversal of an outlawry which Tuddenham had secured against him seven years before; in the same month a case in which judgment had been given for Scales and Tuddenham against inhabitants of Swaffham in 1452 was reopened, again on a plea that the decision was invalid because of legal inaccuracies; and several local men took the opportunity to attack Tuddenham's estates. This renewed vulnerability encouraged longstanding enmities to resurface. By July 1455 Heydon and John Paston, for example, were again at loggerheads. Even so, the effect of the events of 1452-3 was perhaps evident in the fact that Paston was moved to remark of Tuddenham that 'he gaff me no cawse of late tyme to labour ageyns him' - see CASTORA/182-3.

- 1456 1/2 John Danyell of Daresbury - Witn: Sir Robert Bothe, Sir John Maynwaryng, Sir John Honford, Thomas Dutton, Robert Grosvenor, Robert Legh of Adlyngton, William Bothe, John Davenport of Davenport, Thomas Davenport of Henbury, John Daune, John Davenport of Bromall, Rolyn Grosvenor, Thomas Beston, Thomas Venables, Thomas Manley, Hugh Calveley, Rondill Maynwaryng, Hamnett of Huyde, Crystore of Davenport, Robert Laycestere, Thomas Meere, John Danyell of Deresbury, John Fyton of Pounhall, John Roope, Seals. - Deposition of Sir Laurence Fyton concerning boundaries of Rufford - These documents are held at Lancashire Record Office - (as DDHE 64/5a) DDHE 64/8

- 1456 11/8 Thomas Danyell - required by Danyell to write - letter from Thomas Lord Scales to John Paston - see PASTONA/2/158.

- 1456 3/2 Thomas Danyel - Richard Cooke alias Smyth of Brokford county Suffolk 'parchemynner' for not appearing before John Prysot and his fellows to answer Thomas Danyell late sheriff of Suffolk touching a debt of 10l in City of Norwich - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/267.

- 1456 19/10 Thomas Danyel - Richard Cooke alias Smyth of Brokford county Suffolk 'parchemynner' for not appearing before John Prysot and his fellows to answer Thomas Danyell late sheriff of Suffolk touching a debt of 10l in City of Norwich - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/312.

- 1457 26/9 Thomas Danyel - commission of array to John duke of Norfolk, John earl of Oxford, Thomas Descales, knight, John Fastolff knight, William Chaumberleyn knight, Thomas Tuddenham knight, Miles Stapilton knight, Thomas Danyell and the sheriff of Norfolk in Norfolk - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/402.

- 1457 24/10 Thomas Danyel - commission to Thomas de Roos knight, Thomas Descales knight, William Yelverton, Thomas Tudenham knight, Philip Wentworth knight, John Fyncham, Thomas Danyell esquire, and Giles Seyntho appointing them to make inquisition in the county of Norfolk touching and treasons, misprisions, insolences or slanders, committed by Kohn Wode of Estbarsham county Norfolk 'gentilman', against the king's person or majesty and royalty and against the person and honour of the queen Margaret and prince Edward - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/404.

- 1457 27/11 Thomas Danyel - Revocation of the protection with clause volumus for one year granted of late to Thomas Danyell late of Risyng alias Castell Risyng county Norfolk, alias late of Framlyngham county Suffolk, alias late of London, alias late of Burton county Lincoln, esquire to stay in the company of Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, warden of the castle and town of Berwick upon Tweed, on the safe-keeping and victualling thereof; because he tarries in London and the suburbs thereof, as the sheriffs have certified - at Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-6/6/396.

- 1457 This revelation to traditional alliances may well have been facilitated by the fact that developments in national politics seem to have provoked a change in Thomas Daniel's role in the region. Daniel's local opposition to the de la Pole affinity had been made possible by his independent access to the same authority from which they derived much of their influence - the powers of the crown as made available through the royal household. In the later 1450s, however, the very principle of rule by the personal authority of the king was in dispute, a situation which left no room for competition between rival suitors to that authority. The interests both of Daniel and of the de la Pole affinity lay in the restoration of a more personal royal authority, just as the interests of Norfolk's traditional supporters, who had suffered as a result of their exclusion from access to the person of the king, lay with any alternative to that personal royal authority, and therefore with attempts to represent the political community by other means. During these years, therefore, Daniel's association with the political circle around the queen, which included men such as Scales, Tuddenham, and Heydon, seems to have led to a loosening of his ties with Norfolk and a reorientation of his local interests. By August 1456 he was in a position to ask Scales to write on his behalf to John Paston, and when, at the end of that year, Daniel became involved in a local property dispute, his opponent indicted Scales, Tuddenham, and Heydon as his accessories. In October 1457 Daniel was included with Scales, Tuddenham, and Wentworth on a local commission to investigate a report of slanderous utterances about the king, queen, and prince, to which Norfolk was not named. Thereafter, where Daniel's name is mentioned by the Paston corresoundents, it is unequivocally linked with those of Tuddenham, Heydon, and their allies - see CASTORA/183-4.

- 1457 Thomas Danyell, late of Castle Rising, late of Framlingham Suffolk, late of Burton Lincolnshire given letters of protection to be in north with Earl of Northumberland but revoked 17/11/1457 for tarrying in London - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1457 lO November 35th Henry 6 - Richard, son and heir of Nicholas Gerard, covenants with John Daniell, of Lymme, that he will marry Isabell, daughter of the said John Daniell. 'The same Richard settles all his lands on his son and heir apparent, Thomas Gerard, and his wife Isabella, daughter of John Bruyn, of Tarvin, dated 1st Dec. 13 Edw. IV. By mandate to the esclitetor, 33 Hen. VI. this Richard received lands, held in dower by Margaret, widow of William Gerard, as son of Nicholas, son of Peter, brother of the said William - see OMEROD/2/.

- 1458 36th Henry 6 John Norys, esquire, George Danyell, esquire, Edmund Brudenell, William Bulstrode, the elder, and Richard Bulstrode, and Peter Weston, and Agnes, his wife, and Humfrey Hayford, and Florence, his wife. Premises, with a watermill, in Stanwell and Estbedfounte - 'London and Middlesex Fines: Henry VI', A Calendar to the Feet of Fines for London and Middlesex: volume 1: Richard I - Richard III (1892), pp. 182-202. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=78825 184.

- 1458 The return to the longstanding division in east Anglian society between the de la Pole affinity, newly reinforced by the support of Daniel, and those who looked to Norfolk for lordship was further clarified by the increasingly confrontational politics of the last two years of the reign, as division in government solidified into outright opposition. The withdrawal of York and the Nevilles from the regime in the face of the queen's self-assertion in 1459 did not win the support of Norfolk who, though sypathetic to the Yorkist manifesto, was not sufficiently embroiled in the Yorkist cause to be prepared to commit himself to open rebellion. Nevertheless, although Margaret ensured that Norfolk was actively involved in the government and defence of his 'country', it is clear that her regime restored the upper hand locally to the men most closely associated with her, the de la Pole connection. During 1458-9, both their influence at a national level and their local power were substantially reinforced. Under the financial resettlement initiated by the queen at the end of 1458, Tuddenham became the treasurer of the royal household. Scales, who in 1459 was reported to be attending the prince of Wales, was in 1460 placed in charge of the .... - see CASTORA/185.

- 1458 1/9 Thomas Danyell - about Thomas Howes versus John Wyndham, Thomas Daniel and others for maintaining a malicious indictment against Howes by John Andrew of Baylam Suffolk- letter from William Worcester - 1/9/1458 - see PASTONA/2/177.

- 1459 1/12 37th Henry 6 - Indenture between John Danyell of Dersbury, esquire, of the one part and John Ogle, esquire, of the other, whereby the former grants the ward and marriage of Thomas Danyell, son of. John Danyell his son, and his heir apparent, to the latter, to be mariet and weddet to Grace doghter of the said John Ogle by twyx this and the fest of the Purification of our blessed lady next comyng'; he shall make estate to the said Thomas and Grace, before the said feast, of land to the value of 6 marks yearly in the county of Lancastre in fee, etc he covenants that all his lands in the counties of Lancastre and Chestre, saving the jointure of Alice, his mother, or of any wife who shall survive him, shall descend to the said Thomas in tail, etc for this Ogle shall pay 100 marks, whereof part is to be repaid him if Grace die within eight years 'without issue enheritable,' and he covenants that if he die without heir male his said daughter shall have her lawful part of his land, if any other of his daughters have any part thereof; 'and to all the covenauntes obofe specifiet to be perfourmet on the partie of the said John Danyell and also that no devorse schalbe had betwene the said Thomas and Grace the cause rysyng on the partie of the said Thomas or by his sewte the said John Danyell and iij sufficiaunt persons with hym is bounden to the said John Ogle in a c. li,' etc Ogle shall have the 'kepyng and governyng of the said Thomas and Grace duryng the said viij yeres and also to have and take uppe all the sales and profettes of the said vj markesworth of lond yerly duryng the said viij yeres to fynd the said Thomas and Grace apon all maner necessaries longyng to thaim. Providet alwaies if the said Thomas wilnot abide nefe be governet by the said John Ogle at any tyme within the said viij years that then hit be lefull to the said Thomas to have the halfendell of the said vj markesworth of lond to fynde hym selfe apon fro thens furthe. In wittenes of the quech thyng,' - 'Deeds: A.12401 - A.12500', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 5 (1906), pp. 306-325. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64447 - Lancashire and Chester A12478

- 1459 Thomas Danyell, MP for Buckinghamshire? named first amongst those taking active part in this Lancastrian parliament with Fortescue, Hody, Aleyn, Heydon and Thorpe - see PASTON/i/522 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1460 Thomas Danyell - mentions Thomas Danyell, Fortesky, Alisaunder, Hody, Dr Aleyn, Heyldon of Thorp - in latin - letters from John Brackley - see PASTON/2/205-6&210&213.

- 1460 Thomas Danyel - ca Oct.1460 - denounced as being a partisan of Margaret of Anjou by Friar Brackley.

- 1461 3/2 on a commission to arrest and imprison all oppressors, plunderers and murderers in Middlesex and Hertfordshire - see PATENT/1452-61/658.

- 1461 7/2 Thomas Danyel - Council ordered his home at Castle Rising to be seized.

- 1461 29/3 Thomas Danyel - fought with the Lancastrians at Towton.

- 1461 Henry VI deposed and Edward IV became king 3/1461.

- 1461 22/3 George Danyel - headed a commission to arrest and imprison all vagabonds in Middlesex, Buckinghamshire and Hertfordshire - see PATENT/1461-7/32.

- 1461 14/7 George Danyel - on a commission of the peace for Hertfordshire - see PATENT/1461-7/565.

- 1461c Thomas Daniel - that this John Wodehouse built here a large and most royal and beautiful manor-house, called the Rcy, ...and pulled down to the ground, ... about September 21, 1454. ... the reason assigned is, that Thomas Danyel, Esq. of Lancashire, late sheriff of Norfolk, by the assistance and power of John (Mowbray) Duke of Norfolk, on account of his marrying a kinswoman of the said Duke, pretending a right and title to the said lordship, falsely asserting that Wodehouse, the heir to his father, (the founder) had given it to him. On this pretence he several times entered the same by force, and a great army of the Duke. ... Upon this I presume the said Thomas Daniel became lord, and was also constable of Rising castle, Sec. but on the accession of Edward IV. the said Thomas is said to have been attainted, and it was then most likely granted to Anthony Woodvile, who was created Lord ....in her right presented to this rectory in 1473, and 1479e - see BLOMEFIELD.

- 1461 Thomas Danyel - Jul - attainted - see WEDGEWOOD/253-5 - see CLOSE/1468-76/411.

- 1461 3/2 Thomas Danyell - grant to John Harley, esquire, and his heirs male of his body of the manor of Burton Pedwardyn county Lincoln, with the advowson of the parish church of Burton Pedwardine, late of Thomas Danyell, esquire, attainted of high treason by an act in Parliament at Westminster, 4 November 1 Edward 4, and in the king's hands by his forfeiture, to hold the same by the services of as many knight's fees and as many other rents and services as they were held before 4 March 1 Edward 4 - by ps - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/479.

- 1461 in the first year of Edward 4 on 24/2 Sir John Howard (afterwards Duke of Norfolk) had grant of this lordship called Meyton Hall late Giles Saintlows of London attainted, of Hereford Hall late Thomas Daniel's of Rising in Norfolk, of the manors of Layham and Wherstead in Suffolk, of Smithsons Hall in Essex, Dantlesby and Deviishe in Dorsetshire lately belonging to James Earl of Wiltshire and Sir Nicholas Latimer attainted - see BLOMEFIELD/10/419.

- 1461c Thomas Daniel - that this John Wodehouse built here a large and most royal and beautiful manor-house, called the Rcy, ...and pulled down to the ground, ... about September 21, 1454. ... the reason assigned is, that Thomas Danyel, esq. of Lancashire, late sheriff of Norfolk, by the assistance and power of John (Mowbray) Duke of Norfolk, on account of his marrying a kinswoman of the said Duke, pretending a right and title to the said lordship, falsely asserting that Wodehouse, the heir to his father, (the founder) had given it to him. On this pretence he several times entered the same by force, and a great army of the Duke. ... Upon this I presume the said Thomas Daniel became lord, and was also constable of Rising castle, Sec. but on the accession of Edward IV. the said Thomas is said to have been attainted, and it was then most likely granted to Anthony Woodvile, who was created Lord ....in her right presented to this rectory in 1473, and 1479 - see BLOMEFIELD.

- 1461 However, [in 1461] it was John [Paston]'s life that proved to be at risk when the new election was held, and Sir John Howard, the sheriff, about whom he should have been worrying. Howard had several political reasons, both current and historical, for hostility to Paston interests: he was a leading supporter of his cousin the Duke of Norfolk, who had seized Caister Castle only weeks earlier; his sister was married to Thomas Daniel, John's patron-turned-antagonist of the early 1450s; and his wife Catherine was an aunt to Lord Moleyns's wife Eleanor, through whom Moleyns had acquired his claim to Gresham. When the gentlemen of the shire gathered at Norwich on 10 August, tempers were frayed, as they had been all summer. John and Howard argued; the quarrel got out of hand, and one of Howard's men lashed out at John with his dagger. A thick doublet saved him from serious injury, but the incident left his family and friends deeply shaken - see CASTORB/150.

- 1461 Thomas Daniel in a list written in latin - see CHRONICLES/henry-6/2.2/779.

- 1461 4/11 Thomas Danyel attainted - see CLOSE/1468-76/411.

- 1461 Thomas Danyell, late of Rising fought at Towton in 3/1461 and was attainted 7/1461 - lands forfeited by him were distributed including some given to his brother in law John Howard - see WEDGEWOOD - see PARLIAMENT/v/479-80.

- 1461 Sir John Howard getting land which in some way involved Thomas Danyell - see CALENDAR1-Edward-4.

- 1462 Danyell of Daresbury - book containing copies of c.150 deeds relating to the Daniell family of Daresbury c.1300-1453, and Cheshire and Flintshire generally c.1250-1462. - These documents are held at Cheshire and Chester Archives and Local Studies Service - DEO/66 Early 19th cent

- 1462 24/2 Thomas Danyell - grant to John Howard, king's knight, and the heirs male of his body of the manors of Leyham (or Leyham alias Overburyhall in Leyham) and Wherstede county Suffolk, and Smethton Hall county Essex, late of James earl of Wiltshire, the manors of Dontissh and Deuelyssh county Dorset, late of Nicholas Latymer knight, the manor of Hereford county Norfolk late of Thomas Danyell, late of Resyng county Norfolk esquire, and the manor of Meyton Hall county Norfolk, late of Giles Seynflowe late of London esquire, in the king's hand by reason of an act of forfeiture of Parliament at Westminster 4 November with knights' fees, advowsons, views of frankpledge, liberties, fairs, markets, warrens and other profits provided that he answer at the Exchequer for any surplus above 100l yearly (or 110l) - by ps - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/111&200.

- 1462 30/3 Thomas Danyell - grant to William Huse and the heirs male of his body of the manor of Burton Pedwardyn county Lincoln late of Thomas Danyel - by ps - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/182.

- 1462 start of first volume of John Howard's contemporary accounts - see CRAWFORDB.

- 1462 Tuddenham was executed in February 1462. Thomas Daniel and Philip Wentworth had been attainted in parliament three months earlier - see CASTORA/188.

- 1463 20/2 Thomas Danyell - Robert Bradway of Little Stoneham county Suffolk 'yoman' for not appearing to answer a plea of Thomas Danyel esquire late sheriff of Suffolk that he render his account for the time when he was receiver in Norwich - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/175.

- 1463 20/6 George Danyel - on commission to arrest Thomas and William Keue - see PATENT/1461-7/279.

- 1464 1 John Legh del Bothes, son of the late John Legh del Bothes, kt 2 John Mascy of Denfeld, son of the late Geoffrey Mascy, kt Grant from 1 to 2 of le Mereleghes in Rostherne. Includes distraint clause and additional memorandum to give right of re-entry after 60 years Witnesses: Thomas del Mer, Thomas Danyell Richard de Legh esqs; Hugh Cokke, John Tabley 17 Sep 1464 - These documents are held at Warrington Library, Museum and Archives Service [no title] MS 376 1464.

- 1464 Thomas Danyell in Cheshire 3/1464 with Somerset's pro Lancastrians - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1464 Thomas Danyell with last of the Lancastrians in Harlech castle - see WEDGEWOOD/255.

- 1464 A genealogical table shows Thomas Daniel, his wife Margaret Howard and their three sons Thomas, Edmund and George - There were other family members in Howard's household besides his sons-in-law. He gave shelter to his three nephews, Thomas, Edmund and George Daniel, sons of his sister Margaret and the attainted Lancastrian, Thomas Daniel - List of John Howard's Household includes three nephews Thomas, Edmund and George Daniel - [this explanation of the relationship of Thomas, Edmund and George is probably a modern one - I believe another explanation is that Thomas was the brother in law of John Howard, Edmund was son of Thomas and George brother of Thomas] - CRAWFORDA/12&19&31.

- 1464 Also among the members of his household were Howard's nephews, Thomas, Edmund and George Daniel, sons of his sister Margaret and the disgraced Lancastrian court favourite, Thomas Daniel. The eldest boy, Thomas, became his uncle's most trusted lieutenant, always given the title Master Daniel in the memoranda - [this explanation of the relationship of Thomas, Edmund and George is probably a modern one - I believe another explanation is that Thomas was the brother in law of John Howard, Edmund was son of Thomas and George brother of Thomas] - see CRAWFORDB/xv.

- 1464 ??/4 knyffe for master Danyelle 1d - expences folio 66 - [first appearance in accounts of a Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/259.

- 1464 14/07 payr shois for Plomsted, 2 payr shois for 2 of my yonge mastressis, 1 payr shois for Danyell and a nodr payr for Edmunde 16d - expences folio 72 - [first appearance in accounts of Edmunde] - see CRAWFORDB/275.

- 1464 For example, in Howard's list of 1466, Edmund and John Gorges, Howard's wards, are listed with the family, but his nephew Mater Henry Daniel is listed at the head of the gentlemen, while Henry's elder brother Thomas is not included at all. - [but note that "little Edmund" is frequently included with the family immediately after John Howard's children - I believe this may have been Edmund Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/xvii&xl.

- 1464 01/10 paid Herry Danyell 20d - expences folio 75b - [first appearance in accounts of Henry Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/281.

- 1464 ??/11 payr shoyis fore Danyelle 4d - followed by similar for John Howard's daughters - clowtynge of master Danyelles shoes 2d - expences folio 82b - see CRAWFORDB/543-4.

- 1464 30/11 clowtynge of Edmundes and Prynces shoes 2d - expences folio 82b - see CRAWFORDB/545.

- 1464 3/10 George Danyel - 3 Oct.1464 - on commission of the peace for Hertfordshirer - see PATENT/1461-7/565.

- 1464 Thomas Danyell - is here in Chester and he has sent letters to Sir John Howard - letter from John Paston to son - see PASTONA/I/525-6.

- 1465 4/2 George Danyel - 4 Feb.1465 - involved in the quitclaim of certain lands in Buckinghamshire by John Hellewell - see CLOSE/1468-76/269-70.

- 1465 30/3 Thomas Danyell - commission to Thomas Walgrave knight, David Mortymer, Thomas Higham the younger, John Sulyard, James Hubbard, John Walworth, Robert Falehare, and the sheriffs of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex to enquire concerning all honours, castles, lordships, manors, lands, rents, reversions, annuities, offices, fees, advowsons, feefarms, and other possessions held by James earl of Wiltshire, Thomas late lord Roos, Thomas Danyel esquire, and Giles Syntlowe, attainted by authority of an act of Parliament at westminster in these counties on 4/3 in 1 of Edward 4 - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/452.

- 1465 27/4 Thomas Danyell - grant to John Howard, king's knight, and the heirs and assigns of the manors of Leyham (or Leyham alias Overburyhall in Leyham) and Whersted county Suffolk, and Smethtonhall county Essex, late of James earl of Wiltshire, the manors of Dontissh and Deuelyssh county Dorset, late of Nicholas Latymer knight, the manor of Hereford county Norfolk late of Thomas Danyell, late of Resyng county Norfolk esquire, and the manor of Meyton Hall county Norfolk, late of Giles Seynflowe late of London esquire, with knights' fees, advowsons, views of frankpledge, liberties, fairs, markets, warrens and all profits belonging to the king by reason of an act of forfeiture of Parliament at Westminster 4 November in 1 Edward 4 against the said James, Nicholas, Thomas and Giles and confirmation to him and his heirs and assigns of two messuages, tenements, one in the parishes and lanes of St Martin Ongar and St Michael Crokedlane and the other in the said lane of Crokedlane London which he holds of the grant of the king by letters patent dated 11/5 in 2 Edward 4 with all issues from the above from 4/3 in 1 Edward 4 - by k - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/458.

- 1465 Thomas Danyell - on 29/2 39th of Henry VI and from then until 4/3 following and after Thomas Danyell esquire attainted and convicted was seized in his demesne as of fee of the manor of Burton Pedwardine, held of the king by knights service, and of the advowson belonging thereto, worth £15 net yearly. The premises belong and should belong to the king by Thomas's forfeiture by reason of his attainder. Beatrice Pedwardine has occupied the manor and the issue the said 4/3 title unknown. Delivered into court on 16/4 by the hands of John Herley esquire - see IQMS.

- 1465 30/05 gowne for Edmund - expences folio 80b - see CRAWFORDB/288.

- 1465 ??/06 makenge and lynenge gowne for Edmund 22d - next to similar entry for Thomas Thorpe squire of Howard's sons - expences folio 82 - see CRAWFORDB/294.

- 1465 18/06 lles of Braban for two shyrtes for mastyr Danyelle 15ds - expences folio 83 - see CRAWFORDB/296.

- 1465 10/11 on successive lines payr of botuys for following with their cost - master Thomas [John Howard's heir] 14d, mastyr Nycholas [John Howard's second son] 14d, mastyr Danyelle 7d, lytelle Edmund 6d and Jenyn of the stables 2d - next line has payr of botuys for Danyelle 7d - next line payr shone for mastres Isabelle - expences folio 89b - see CRAWFORDB/311.

- 1465 13/11 on neighbouring lines payr shone for following with their cost - mistress [John Howard's wife] 11d, mastyr Danyelle 4d, Margret Notham 3d, Anne Fuller 4d and Edmunde 3d - expences folio 90a - see CRAWFORDB/312.

- 1465 27/11 Herry Danyell high in list of retainers just after family members including master Edmond Gorges - also lower in list are two other Danyells and lytle Edmund - [note Henry Danyell was probably an adult and too old to be a son of Thomas Danyell unless by an earlier wife than Margaret Howard] - expences folio 122 - see CRAWFORDB/582-6.

- 1465 Thomas Danyel - commitment to John Skravyll by mainprise of Thomas Danyell of London, gentilman, and Thomas Yngram of Bensbury, Kent, gentilman, of the keeping of land in Kent which Henry Bedhill seized - see FINE/1461-71/?.

- 1465 20/2 & 28/3 & 18/11 George Danyel - on commission of the peace for Hertfordshire - see PATENT/1461-7/565.

- 1465 16/4 Thomas Danyell - on 29/2 39th of Henry VI and from then until 4/3 following and after Thomas Danyell esquire attainted and convicted was seized in his demesne as of fee of the manor of Burton Pedwardine, held of the king by knights service, and of the advowson belonging thereto, worth £15 net yearly. The premises belong and should belong to the king by Thomas's forfeiture by reason of his attainder. Beatrice Pedwardine has occupied the manor and the issue the said 4/3 title unknown. Delivered into court on 16/4 by the hands of John Herley esquiree - see IQPM.

- 1466 5th Edward 4 - Thomas Daniell attinctus Burton Pedwardyn Lincolnshire - see IQMS/5-Edward-4/44.

- 1466 01/12 3 payre of shone for hymselffe [John Howard] - peyre of shone for Emond 12d - expences folio 119b - see CRAWFORDB/380.

- 1467 26/2 George Danyel - 28 Feb.1467 - witness to a land charter in Middlesex - see CLOSE/1468-76/450.

- 1467 1/10 George Danyel - involved in the gift of the goods and chattels of Thomas Astbury of London - see CLOSE/1468-76/463.

- 1467 22/1 master Herry Danyell heads list of gentlemen - lytell Edmonde in list of Gromes - lists for Howard's wedding - see CRAWFORDB/xl-xliii - NORFOLK/2/6.

- 1467 18/2 payr of botes for hym selffe [John Howard] 4s - peyr of botes for lytelle Edmond 2s - 2 payr of shone for hym selffe 17d - expences folio 123a - see CRAWFORDB/389.

- 1467 19/3 donet for master Gorge 12d - doblet of damaske for my mastyr and a doblet for Edmonde - expences folio 123a - [note that Edmund Gorges and Edmonde appear together in list so not the same person - maybe Edmund Gorges was thought of as big Edmund] - expences folio 124 - see CRAWFORDB/391.

- 1467 8/4 material for clothes for Howards family including - for master Gorge - fore a shyrte for mastyr Emonde - for 2 shertes for mastyr Danyelle - expences folio 125 - see CRAWFORDB/394.

- 1467 8/4 shone for master Danyelle, Edmonde and master Edmond Gorge - [note again entry for Edmonde immediately followed by entry for master Edmond Gorge so not the same person] - expences folio 126 - see CRAWFORDB/396.

- 1467 19/5 bonet for lytelle Edmonde 4d - expences folio 128 - see CRAWFORDB/403.

- 1467 4/6 on 4th peyr shone for Emond 5d - on 5th peyr shone for Emond 5d - expences folio 129 - see CRAWFORDB/404.

- 1467 20/6 to Robert Coke for lytel Edmondes gere 19d - doblet mendynge for lytelle Edmondes 4d - expences folio 131 - see CRAWFORDB/407.

- 1467 5/7 makenge a semed gowne for lytelle Edmond 16d - hode for lytelle Edmonde 12d - amongst similar amounts for John Howard, his two sons and others - expences folio 132 - see CRAWFORDB/411-2.

- 1467 5/7 shyrte for lytelle Edmond 9d - expences folio 133 - see CRAWFORDB/413.

- 1467 15/7 clothe for gowne for lytell Edmonde 2s 5d - expences folio 134 - see CRAWFORDB/416.

- 1467 2/9 peyre of close hosen for master Edmond Gorge, master John Gorge and lytelle Edmond 3s 4d and later on page same for Tomas 2s 8d [probably John Howard's eldest son] and Danyel 20d - expences folio 137 - see CRAWFORDB/421.

- 1467 ??/9 peyre of close hosen for master Edmond and the nexte day after Holy rode day Danyel kame to me; and he schal have be zere in mony 10li and 2 gowenes and a howese fore is wyffe to dwele in at Stoke: and the same day he kame I toke heme in mony 12d wesche he paid fore hyrenge of a horse and a man - and i made delyver heme a newe dobelete that stode me in 5s - and he had a noder new dobelete of Robert Klerke, fore the wesche I moste pay oder 5s - and he ad of me a new gowen, and I moste pay fore the makenge 16d - and I have delyverd heme in thes same monthe in mony, wane he zede to the schetenge, be the andes of Hastenges 20d - and Roberd Clerke bowete at Londen fore hem ? schaftes, the wesche coste me - also I delyverd heme a peyer of botes that koste me 3s - and an holde peyer of spores that koste me 6d - and I zaffe toke heme a standard bowe that Melson zafe me; it is worthe in mony 6s 8d - and I moste zeffe heme to Melson ther fore as good a bowe as he kane schese in a boweres schope - and Danyel hade of me as many strenges as koste 6d - and a schetaenge glove koste 4d - and at Thorpe gohenge now laste to Stoke I rekened wethe heme: and he seyde he ad payd fore me to a man that kame wethe Danyel 12d - said in a recent article to be referring to Danyel an archer - expences folio 139&125 - see CRAWFORDB/423-4&590-1.

- 1467 One exception to this rule was made in 1467 when Howard ontained the services of an 'archer de maison', [named Danyell] or an archer of the elite type that the earl of Warwick once described to Louis XI as worth two ordinary archers, even English ones - see CRAWFORDA/21 - see CRAWFORDB/423 - see KENDALL/199.

- 1467 3/10 I toke to Danyel 2 bowes that koste me 13s 4d [the archer again] - expences folio 140&125 - see CRAWFORDB/425&591.

- 1467 13/10 my master toke hym [Danyel] for wages 5s - my master toke Robert Clerke to paye fore for his doblet 5s - my master paid to Leonard fore a doblet for hym - my master paid to the fletchers fore hym 12d - my master paid to Fyshecloke bowers fore 2 bowes for hym 10s 6d - my master paid for a bow case fore hym 12d [the archer again] - expences folio 125 - see CRAWFORDB/591.

- 1467 18/10 for a doblet for Danyelle 6s - my mastyr paid to Fyshloke bowers, for 2 bowes for Danyell - for a bowe case for Danyell [the archer again] - expences folio 141-2 - see CRAWFORDB/428-9.

- 1467 29/10 my master toke hym fore wages to bye bolokes as he seid 10s [the archer again] - expences folio 125 - see CRAWFORDB/591.

- 1467 4/12 my mastyr toke to Danyell for wages 20d or 2s 3d [the archer again] - expences folio 143&125 - see CRAWFORDB/431&591.

- 1467 12/12 I toke to Tomas Thorpe to pay for 2 scheffe of arowes fore Danyel and fore Reschard Leder 10s [the archer again] - expences folio 143 - see CRAWFORDB/432.

- 1467 15/12 my master toke hym fore wages 10s [the archer again] - expences folio 125 - see CRAWFORDB/591.

- 1467 16/12 my master paid fore a sheff aruis fore hym 5s - fore a swyrde 3s - for ane arew gyrdille and a shaffte 6d - my master toke hym in his porse 10s - my master toke hym a horse, a sadille and a bridille, prise [the archer again] - expences folio 125 - see CRAWFORDB/591.

- 1468 Thomas Danyell surrendered and may have regained Castle Rising - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1468 27/08 pare of shoes fore my master 16d - 2 pare of shoes fore Edmonde 8d - 2 pare of shoes fore Thomas of Stoke 10d - expences folio 75b - see CRAWFORDB/539.

- 1468 12/09 all thes were brought to my master by Thomas Danyel - [Thomas Danyel seemed to be collecting rents for John Howard including from Edmund West of St Albans] - expences folio 111 - see CRAWFORDB/570.

- 1468 22/09 be Danyel and 1 pair of bryggandynes 12s 2d and 10s - John Fawkener of Nymes I toke heme the same day be Danyel 15s 5s 4s 3d - expences folio 112 - see CRAWFORDB/571.

- 1468 22/09 Danyel and a peyer breganderes 16s 8d - expences folio 112 - see CRAWFORDB/572.

- 1468 29/09 Thomas Ty brought by Danyel 20s 10s 5s 4s 3d - Robert Olyver brought by Danyel 20s 10s 9s 3d - expences folio 115 - see CRAWFORDB/575.

- 1468 1/10 of Greewiche - Walter Theene brought by Thomas Danyel 15s - expences folio 115b - see CRAWFORDB/576.

- 1468 2/10 per Danyel and a pare breganders 10s - expences folio 116 - see CRAWFORDB/577.

- 1468 ??/10 Danyel of Londone steward of the hulke - expences folio 117b - see CRAWFORDB/578.

- 1468 ??/10 paid for bryngyng of 8 pipes that Danyelle bought 6d - expences folio 67 - see CRAWFORDB/526.

- 1468 ??/10 per Danyell - expences folio 118b - see CRAWFORDB/580.

- 1469 25/3 Richard Danyell bought house in Stoke Nayland 1/12 from John Noland - his memory used in proof of age 21 of George Mannock 25/3 of 5 Henry VII - see IQPM/Henry-7/5th.

- 1469 5/5 Thomas Danyel - on commission of oyer and terminer for Norfolk and Cambridgeshire - at Westminster - see PATENT/1467-77/169.

- 1469 26/11 for Emond the chylde 2 peyre of shoes 8d - expences folio 75b - [this is important as it indicates that little Edmund was a child - not just a small person] - see CRAWFORDB/540.

- 1469 Thomas Danyell on Norfolk commissions - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1470 4/12 George Danyel - on commission of the peace for Hertfordshire - see PATENT/1466-77/616.

- 1470 1/3 Thomas Danyel of Walsoken - 1 Mar.1470 - on a commission of oyer and terminer for Norfolk and Cambridgeshire - see PATENT/1467-77/170.

- 1470 3/5 Thomas Danyel - involved in gift of the goods and chattels of Gregory Coppyng of London - see CLOSE/1468-76/127.

- 1470 ?/10 Henry VI restored as king 10/1470.

- 1470 2/12 Thomas Danyell restored to bench - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1470 17/12 Thomas Danyel and others to be arrested - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/?/251.

- 1471 Henry VI deposed and Edward VI restored 5/1471.

- 1471 Hemond Danyel be zer heading a list of retainers - Tomas Danyel, John Danyel and Hemond Danyel appear in further lists [of retainers involved in return of Edward 4] - expences folio 84-7 - see CRAWFORDB/547-51.

- 1471 end of first volume of John Howard's contemporary accounts - see CRAWFORDB.

- 1471 The list includes his captains, headed by his retainer, Lord Cobham and men of the royal household, and men of his own household, headed by all four sons-in-law, two of his Daniel nephews and men like John Braham ..... - see CRAWFORDB/xxiv.

- 1471 ?/7 Thomas Danyell, commission for his arrest 7/1471 (may indicate involvement with Lancastrian invasion)- see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1471 7/7 Thomas Danyel - commission to arrest Thomas Danyell - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/?/287.

- 1471 30/6 Thomas Danyel of St Albans to be arrested - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/?/286.

- 1471 Thomas Daniel - Thomas Daniel esquire of Lancashire late sheriff of Norfolk and also Constable of Rising Castle but on accession of Edward IV said to have been attainted and likely Rising Castle given to Anthony Woodville.. - Lawrence his son constable p138 - see [note Blomefield repeatedly confuses Thomas Danyell of Walsoken and Thomas Danyell later Lord of Rathwire - BLOMEFIELD/9/60.

- 1472 16/10 Thomas Danyel - pardon to Thomas, cardinal archbishop of Westminster, Canterbury, late Bishop of Ely, William, bishop of Winchester, John Tymperley esquire, Edmund FitzWilliam esquire, Henry Bradfield clerk, and Thomas Danyell of all alienations, donations, and perquisitions of manors, hundreds, lands, rents, and ? late of John [Mowbray] late duke of Norfolk, held in chief and also to Eleanor, duchess of Norfolk, late wife of said duke, and John Straunge esquire, and grant to this said duchess of all issues of above - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/293.

- 1472 6/3 Thomas Danyell - Mar.1472 - pardoned - general pardon to Thomas Danyell son of William Danyell of Daresbury county Cheshire esquire, alias late of London, alias of the county of Norfolk, of all offences committed by him before 6/3 - see PATENT/1467-77/169 - see WEDGEWOOD/255 - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/332.

- 1472 Thomas Danyell, attainder reversed in Parliament - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1472 Thomas Danyell, JP Norfolk 23/11/1472 to 2/12/1473 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1474 8/8 Thomas Danyel - granted lands in Ireland - see PATENT/1467-77/458.

- 1474 Thomas Danyell, lands in Ireland granted 8/1474 - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1474 Thomas Danyell to William lord Hastynges, Richard Fowler, Guy Fairfax and Richard Pygot, serjeants at law, Richard Welby and Leonard Thornburgh, their heirs and assigns. Gift with confirmation by charter and warranty of his manor of Burton Pedwardyne co Lincoln, to be held by the above in capital demesne as of fee etc. and appointment of William Strode, Robert Ingoldesby and William Stoneham as his attorneys etc. to convey seisin of the above manor to the said lord etc. Witnesses: William Sleford, John Spanby esquires, Richard Gulle, John Gregge, John Guybon. Dated 14/7/14-Edward IV. - The same, to Peter Courteney dean of the free chapel of the royal college of St Stephen's within Westminster palace and the canons thereof. Release and quit claim of the priory and manor of Gayton, otherwise Wellhall and Gayton, county Norfolk, and of all other lands and tenements, rents, customs, services, woods, pastures, meadows, patronage and advowson of its church, with all pensions, rights, and liberties to the said priory belonging, which he held by demise and enfeoffment of Henry Wodhows esquire. Dated 5/7/14-Edward IV. Memorandum of acknowledgment 16/7 - checked - see CLOSE/1474/1286.

- 1474 Edmund son of Thomas Danyell and William bishop of Winchester to William lord Hastynges, Richard Fowler, Guy Fairfax, Richard Pygot, Richard Welby and Leonard Thorneburgh, their heirs and assigns. Confirmation and ratification with warranty of the manor of Burton Pedwardyne (as above). Dated 22/7/14-Edward IV. Acknowledged by Edmund Danyell 22/7 and by the bishop 25/7 - see CLOSE/1474/1288.

- 1474 Sir Thomas Daniel, created Lord of Raywyer in Ireland, and Lord Deputy of Ireland 9-Edward 4 - see HOWARD.

- 1474 15/7 Thomas Danyel - gift of his manor of Burton Pedwardyne, Lincolnshire, to William, Lord Hastings and others - see CLOSE/1468-76/358.

- 1474 22/7 Edmund Danyel - involved in the confirmation of the warranty of the manor of Burton Pedwardyne - see CLOSE/1468-76/359.

- 1474 15/7 Thomas Danyel - concerning Burton Pedwardyne - see CLOSE/1468-76/1286.

- 1474 Thomas Danyel of London with son Edmund gift of his manor of Burton Pedwardyne, Lincolnshire, to William, Lord Hastings and others - see CLOSE/1468-76/358.

- 1474 16/7 Thomas Danyell to William lord Hastynges, Richard Fowler, Guy Fairfax and Richard Pygot, serjeants at law, Richard Welby and Leonard Thornburgh, their heirs and assigns. Gift with confirmation by charter and warranty of his manor of Burton Pedwardyne county Lincoln, to be held by the above in capital demesne as of fee etc. and appointment of William Strode, Robert Ingoldesby and William Stoneham as his attorneys etc. to convey seisin of the above manor to the said lord etc. Witnesses: William Sleford, John Spanby esquires, Richard Gulle, John Gregge, John Guybon. Dated 14/7 14 Edward IV. The same, to Peter Courteney dean of the free chapel of the royal college of St Stephen's within Westminster palace and the canons thereof. Release and quit claim of the priory and manor of Gayton, otherwise Wellhall and Gayton, county Norfolk, and of all other lands and tenements, rents, customs, services, woods, pastures, meadows, patronage and advowson of its church, with all pensions, rights, liberties to the said priory belonging, which he held by demise and enfeoffment of Henry Wodhows esquire. Dated 15/7 14th Edward IV. Above acknowledged 16/7 - see CLOSE/1468-76/1286.

- 1474 25/7 William bishop of Winchester and Edmund son of Thomas Danyell to William lord Hastynges, Richard Fowler, Guy Fairfax, Richard Pygot, Richard Welby and Leonard Thorneburgh, their heirs and assigns. Confirmation and ratification with warranty of the manor of Burton Pedwardyne (as above). Dated 22/7 14th Edward IV. Memorandum of acknowledgment by Edmund Danyell 22/7 and by above bishop 25/77 - see CLOSE/1468-76/1288.

- 1474 8/8 - Thomas Danyell - grant with the assent of the king's brother George duke of Clarence, lieutenant of Ireland, to Thomas Danyell, esquire and heirs male of his body of the manors or lordships of Rawyre and Ardemukghan and the king's fee farm from the manors of Salmon Leap and Chapeizod in Ireland with knights' fees, advowsons, wards, marriages, reliefs, escheats, courts, leets, liberties, franchises, reversions, and other commodities to hold by the services of as many knighs' fees and as many other rents and services as they were held before 4/3 1st Edward 4 - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/458.

- 1475 15/3 Thomas Danyell esquire, to William Hussey, his heirs and assigns. Release and quit claim with warranty, in consideration of payment of twelve marks of a certain annual rent of ten marks derived from the manor of Burton Pedwardyne county Lincoln and of all rights in the aforesaid manor. Dated 12/3 15th Edward 4 Acknowledged 15/3 - see CLOSE/1468-76/1437.

- 1475 7/3 Thomas Danyell - exemplification, at the request of Thomas Danyell, esquire, of the tenours of the following:- 1. a petition (English) of the said Thomas in the Parliament summoned at Westminster on 6/10 12th Edward 4 and continued by divers prorogations to 6/6 14th Edward 4 that whereas by an act of Parliament at Westminster 4/11 1st Edward 4 it was ordained that he by the name of Thomas Danyell late of Risyng co Norfolk esquire shopuld be attainted of high treason and forfeit all his possessions, the king should ordainj that this act shall be void and of no force against him and he shall have his possessions again, saving the king's liege people their rights, and all letters patent made by reason of this act of any of the premises should be void, and no person shall have taken any issues of the premises before 12/7 14th Edward 4 and after 4/3 1st Edward 4 shall be chargeable to the said Thomas provided that no persons attainted take any benefit by this present act but the said Thomas and his heirs and feoffes, and that this shall not be prejudicial to the dean and chapter of St Stephen's Westminster - 2. the assent to the same by the commons: a cast bille les communez - 3. the assent of the king: soit fait comeil il est ? Rolls of Parliament - Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/512.

- 1475 15/3 Thomas Danyel - indenture between Thomas Danyell esquire and William Husey king's attorney, that were by act of Parliament, 4/11 in 1 Edward 4, the said Thomas was attainted of high treason and forfeited to the king all castles, manors, etc and his highness became seised of the manor of Burton Pedwardyne county Lincoln that Thomas had held in his demesne - the paries agreed that William should get the attainder annulled and a bill should be assigned to Thomas granting him the manors of Rawyre, Ardenulgham and the fee farm of Salmons Leap (Sa tu Salmonis) and Isolde's Chapel in Ireland with all knight's fees, advowsons and other liberties to the same pertaining - and one month after the attainder be voided, Thomas shall make estate to William of the said manor of Burton Pedwardyne, receiving an annual rent of ten marks out of the same, with clause od distraint. - now by these presents Thomas declares that William has faithfully performed his promise by the revocation of the king's attainder, and intercession with William Alyngton, Speaker of this Parliament, who was incensed against Thomas, alledging that his father had been put in prison in London by his agency. And further William had obtained a bill signed by the king, granting to Thomas the above named lands in London by letters patent. So that Thomas and William bishop of Winchester his feoffee, have made estate of the manor of Burton to William Husey, receiving an annual rent of ten marks. And for twelve marks which William paid to Thomas on 12/3 and another bill endorsed by the king, of the manors of Belgrade and Castle Richard in Ireland with knights fees, advowson, and other liberties pertaining granted to the said Thomas and his heirs male. The said Thomas has now released to William the aforesaid annuity with all his titles in the manor and suits that he might have against him; and declares that no person has any title in the same, saving only the lords of the fee for their services; and for the keeping of the above covenant Thomas Danyell has bound himself to William Husey in 500li - dated 12/3 this year - memorandum and acknowledgement 15/3 - see CLOSE/1468-76/1474.

- 1475 15/3 Thomas Danyell - gift of Burton Pedwardyine to Sir William Hussey, as Sir William had got Thomas’ attainder reversed - see CLOSE/1468-76/411-2.

- 1475 5/7 Thomas Danyel - Edward Ellesmere, Thomas Danyell esquires and Thomas Lute gentleman to James Friis knight his heirs and assigns. Demise and quit claim with warranty of all lands and tenements, rents and services situate in the city of London, formerly of John Baume, brother and heir of Henry Braume, goldsmith of London which he held jointly with William Ascough, late bishop of Salisbury, John Norreys and William Lowe esquires since deceased by gift and enfeoffment of John Baume to be held by the said John Friis in capital demesne as ? etc. Witnesses Robert Drope mayor of London, Edmund Shawe and Thomas Hill sherrifs, William Hobbes, Thomas Denky?, William Palmer, David Panter. Dated 16/3 in 15 Edward 4 - Edward Ellesmere etc (as above) to James Friis etc. Release and quit claim with warranty of the above premises. Witnesses and date as above. - Letter of attorney by the above Edward Ellesmere appointing John Clarke, grocer of London and John Bevyll notarey as his attorneys etc to convey seisin of the above promises to James Friis knight. Dated 15/3 in 15 Rdward 4 - memorandum of acknowledgement of the foregoing writings by Edward Ellesmere and Thomas Lute 5/7 - see CLOSE/1468-76/1489.

- 1475 Thomas Danyel - witness to transaction in London - see CLOSE/1468-76/1438.

- 1475 23/4 Thomas and Peter Danyell - commission to John Suthworth esquire mayor of Chester, Thomas Gleg esquire, Peter Danyel, Thomas Olyegh, Richard Lancastre, William Bold of Cunway and William Bulcley of Beaumarryse to take ships and other vessels for the conduct of Thomas Danyel esquire and his retinue which the king has ordered to go to Ireland for the resistance of his enemies, and masters and mariners for the same in the ports of Chester, Conway and Beaumarres and 'bowyers' and 'fleechers' and other workmen for the artillery - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/1/524.

- 1475 Thomas Danyell made yeoman of the Crown with 6d a day for his fee - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1475 The Barony of Rathwier, County Meath, was conferred by Letters Patent in 1475 on Thomas Daniel but of its descent or extinction we have not been able to ascertain any particulars. We find however in Morant's "History of Essex" a reference to the family - see EXTINCT.

- 1475 Thomas Daniel has been said (Lynch page 183) to have been created, by patent of 5/8/1475, Lord and Baron of Rathwire. Actually by patents of 8/8/1474 and 18/6/1476 (the second was granted on surrender of a patent of 5/8/1475 which does not appear to have been enrolled), he had grants of the manor or lordship of Rathwire and other properties in county Meath Ireland, neither of the patents created a peerage - see COMPLETE.

- 1475 Thomas Danyell esquire, to William Hussey7, his heirs and assigns. Release and quit claim with warranty, in consideration of payment of twelve marks of a certain annual rent of ten marks derived from the manor of Burton Pedwardyne county Lincoln and of all rights in the aforesaid manor. Dated 12/3/15-Edward-IV. Memorandum of acknowledgment 15/3 - checked - see CLOSE/1475/1437.

- 1476 18/6 Thomas Danyel - further grant of lands in Ireland - grant with the assent of the king's brother George Duke of Clarence lieutenant of Ireland to Thomas Danyell knight lord and baron of Rathwire and heirs male of his body of the lordships or manors of Salmon Leap, Chapelizod, Ardmolgham, Rathwire, Belgard Forc? and Castell Ricard to hold by fealty only - at Westminster - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/598.

- 1476 18/6 Castell Ricard with their members and appurtenances in Ireland, with knight's fees, advowsons, wards, marriages, reliefs, escheats, courts, leets, parks, woods, warrens, waters, fisheries, slews, liberties, franchises, commodities and emoluments, in the king's hands by reason of an act of resumption in the last Parliament in Ireland, to hold by fealty only and the office of constable and the custody of the king's castle of Wikenlane in Ireland and fees of 50l yearly from 5th August last from the customs and subsidies in the port of Dublin with all the profits, regards, commodities, emoluments, wrecks at sea, and other things due to the office and custody in lieu of a like grant to by letters patent dated the said 5th August surrendered - see PATENT/Edward-4/2/598.

- 1476 18/6 Thomas Danyel, Edward Danyel - see PATENT/1476-85/120.

- 1476 rex concessit Thomas Danyell armiger in feodo tolum herbagium et pannagium parci de Throughlebek unacum windfall et brouteing pro annuo redditu quadragint foledorum - see CALENDAR24-Henry-6.

- 1476 Thomas Daniel - ....yet it appears that in 1476 (15 of Edward 4) the king granted this lordship and all rights of presentation, wardships, marriages, reliefs, etc "as having been vested in him by reason of the Act of Resumption" to Sir Thomas Daniel and his heirs male ..... - CHAPELIZOD/1475/1437.

- 1476 Thomas Danyell - Baron of Rathweir. By letters patent dated 18/6/1476 the same King recites, that on the 5/8 then last past, for the good and laudable services which his beloved Thomas Daniel, Knight, Lord and Baron of Rathwire, with great labour and expense rendered him in England and Ireland, he had granted the same Thomas, as "Thomas Daniel, Esquire," by letters patent, the lordships or manors of Salmon Leap, Chapelizod, Ardmulgan, Rathwire, Belgard, Foure and Castle Ricard, with all knights' fees, advowsons of churches, wardships, marriages, reliefs, escheats, etc to the same belonging, and which had come to the Crown by an act of resumption: to hold to the said Thomas and the heirs male of his body by fealty only. But that now the said Thomas having surrendered the said patent so as to get the same regranted to him in the following form, his Majesty therefore hereby gives and grants to the aforesaid "Thomas Danyell, Knight, Lord and Baron of Rathwire," all the aforesaid lordships, which are again set forth in nearly similar words: to hold to him and the heirs male of his body by fealty only. - It is conceived that the above Thomas Daniel was he who incurred the displeasure of the Parliament of England, as appears by the Parliament Rolls. Those very ample possessions contained in this grant were for the most part afterwards resumed by another statute of resumption, and the lordship of Rathwire again vested in the family of Darcy, whose members had enjoyed it from the reign of Edward the Second. This circumstance may account for the descendants of Sir Thomas Daniel not being found afterwards in the Parliamentary lists. see ???

-1476 Also at the prayer of Thomas Danyell knight Lord and Baron of Rathwire. That in consideration of his true and faithful conduct towards the King our Sovereign in England as well as safeguarding the king's subjects in the land of Ireland. It is ordained, established and enacted by authority of the said Parliament that by the said authority all manners of letters patent made to the said Thomas by our said Sovereign lord by the name of Thomas Danyell esquire and everything therein contained be ratified, approved and confirmed and that the said Thomas have and enjoy to him and to his heirs male of his body lawfully begotten according to the said letters patent every manner of thing in them and every of them contained. Any grant, gift, Statute, Act or Ordinance made or to be made notwithstanding. Provided that it be not prejudiced to the Church of Meath - see IRELAND/2/15-16-Edward-4/283.

- 1476 Thomas Danyell - arpla exemplificatio cujufdam actus parliamenti pro Thoma Danyell Armigero prout in 12 part' Ed' 4 - see CALENDAR.

- 1476 Thomas Danyel with son Edmund - see CLOSE/1476-85/81.

- 1477 Thomas Danyel - Sir Thomas Daniell lease as feoffee of the Duke of Norfolk - Add Ch 26598.

- 1477 11/2 Edmund Danyell - he and his father paid £66/13/4 to Richard Southwell - Thomas Danyell knight and Edmund his son to Richard Suthwell esquire. Acknowledgement of the sum of £66/13/4 paid them by William Husy king's attorney. John Sulyarde, Roger Townesende and James Hobart arbitrators between the aforesaid Thomas and Edmund Danyell on the one part and John Barney and Richard Suthwell on the other, the guardian of John Barney, chosen to adjudicate on the manors of Braydestone and Westoftes in county Norfolk, for which payment Thomas and Edmund agree to leave Richard and John in quiet possession thereof 11/2 17th of Edward IV memorandum of acknowledgement 13/2 - 11 Feb - see CLOSE/1476-85/274.

- 1477 28/11 Edward Ellesmere esquire, Thomas Danyell knight and Thomas Lute gentleman, to James Fryys knight, his heirs and assigns. Demise and enfeoffment with warranty of three tenements in London viz the Kyngeshede and the Dolfyn in the Old Change, St Mary Magdalene, Old Fysshestrete and a third in St Vedsts parish Westchepe with shops, solars and cellars pertaining and appointment of Simon Daune as their attorney to convey seisin thereof to him, witnesses Robert Bryllysdon, Henry Coote, John Pennyng, Henry Quarles, John Rokke. dated London 18/11 17 Edward 4 - ditto release and quitclaim with warrantry of the above tenements dated 21/11 - ditto ratification of the above demise and release of the tenements and others belonging to the above Edward Thomas and Thomas and assertion by them that the said release has been made spontaneously without fraud and request that if any other person have any claim on the same through them, that they in grant, confirm and release all such claims thereto, for them and their heirs to the said James Fryys etc dated 27/11 17 of Edward 4 - memorandum of acknowledgement of the foregoing writings 28/11 - see CLOSE/1476-85/261.

- 1477 rex concessit Thomas Danyell Mil Dno et Baroni de Rathwyre in Hibernia in speciali tallie viz, haeredibus matculis manena de Sattu Salmonum cappelan Ifolde Ardmolghan Rathwyre Belgard Fore et caselels Ricardi in Hihernia; necnon officium Conftabularii de Wickenlowe in terra praedicta ac annuum feodum quinquagint libarum de cuftumis civitatis Dublini per fervie debit. Licentia ingrediendi pro Rogero Wake filio et haerede Thamae Wake armigeri de com Northampton - see CALENDAR16-Edward-4.

- 1477 At Walpole was the alter and chantry of St James. The person here represented was Sir Thomas Daniel a person of eminence in the reign of Henry 6, governor of Rising Castle in Norfolk, and had a patent in 16th of Edward 4 to found this chantry and endow it with 32 acres of land - he bore aregent four fusils in pale sable - in time of James 1 land in Walpole was in tenure of William Daniel - see BLOMEFIELD/9/113&118.

- 1477 12/2 Henry Danyel - 12 Feb.1477 - Thomas Sutton of Teryngton was licensed to enfeoff Henry Danyel and his wife of a toft and 100 acres of land in Norfolk - see PATENT/1476-85/15.

- 1478 18/7 Edmund Danyel - given power of attorney by his father - letter of attorney by Thomas Danyell Lord of Rathewyre, appointing Edmund Danyell, esquire, his son, his attorney to prosecute and defend in his name in all causes or actions for or against him, in whatsoever courts, moved or to be moved, and especially to sell and alienate all lands and tenements within the realm and overseas, sell his gold and jewels, and to seek, levy or recover for him all debts and rents due from his debtors and to determine all acquittances, releases, fines, concords, treaties, etc, or appoint, substitute or revoke all attorneys, etc dated 18/7 of 18th Edward IV, memorandum of acknowledgement 20/7 - 18 Jul - see CLOSE/110&381?.

- 1478 6/7 Thomas Danyell - Grant for life to Thomas Danyell, knight, lord of Rathwyre, and Edward Danyell his son of the office of constable of the king's castle of Dublin in Ireland and the custody of the castle, receiving the accustomed fees at the receipt of the exchequer of Ireland with all other profits, and the office of customer or collector of the customs, subsidies and cokets in the port of Dublin, receiving the accustomed fees - by K - Westminster - checked - see PATENT/1467-77/120.

- 1478 18/7 Edmund Danyel - given power of attorney by his father - letter of attorney by Thomas Danyell Lord of Rathewyre, appointing Edmund Danyell, esquire, his son, his attorney to prosecute and defend in his name in all causes or actions for or against him, in whatsoever courts, moved or to be moved, and especially to sell and alienate all lands and tenements within the realm and overseas, sell his gold and jewels, and to seek, levy or recover for him all debts and rents due from his debtors and to determine all acquittances, releases, fines, concords, treaties, etc, or appoint, substitute or revoke all attorneys, etc dated 18/7 of 18th Edward IV, memorandum of acknowledgement 20/7 - 18 Jul - see CLOSE/110&381?.

- 1478 6/7 Thomas Danyell and his son, Edward, appointed Constables of Dublin Castle - see PATENT/1467-77/120.

- 1479 Henry Danyel - 29 Sep 1479 - writs of diem clausit extremum - see FINE/1471-85/174.

- 1479 Oliver Danyell skinner and citizen of London gift - others involved include John Lord Stourton and other citizens of London - see CLOSE/570.

- 1479 William Danyell skynner and citizen of London in entry to do with John de Sloario alias Bulle citizen and lynnendraper of London - see CLOSE/824.

- 1479 Oliver Danyell skynner citizen of London and others bond levied in London - to do with Hugh Acton taillour - same in 1488 - follow on in 1489 - see CLOSE/185&303&395.

- 1479 John Wryghte de Hyllington and Henry Danyell de Appleton to William Hale, Robert Heker and William Kay. 19 Edward IV - these documents are held at Norfolk Record Office Charter of lands. FLT 1/239 1479 May 17

- 1480 19 Edward IV = Grant by William Baldewyn the elder of Westhamme and Edward Gater of Stratford L[angthorne] to William Chapman the elder and Richard Danyell the elder of Westhamme of 3a. pasture with walls, etc in Westhamme, in a field called 'le Lake,' which they had by the gift of Roger Burge . . . .; the charter indented and seisin had thereon to be void if Baldewyn pay 6l., viz. 40s. to Chapman and to Danyell - 'Deeds: C.5401 - C.5500', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 6 (1915), pp. 217-230. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64484 - Essex C5411.

-1480 Also at the prayer of Brother James Ketyng Prior of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem in Ireland and the brethren of the same. That whereas the said Prior and brethren have held of the King the manor or lordship of Leixlip and Chapelizod by the feefarm of 200 pounds which the said Prior and brethren have answered yearly to the King at his Exchequer in Ireland during the time that they were farmers thereof. Afterwards our sovereign lord the King by his letters patent out of his noble realm of England granted to Thomas Daniell, lord of Rathwire the said manors and lordships with the said feefarm to have and to hold them to the said Thomas according to the form of the said letters patent. By virtue of which the said Prior and brethren were discharged of the said feefarm. Notwithstanding this the said Prior and brethren are from day to day impeached in the said Exchequer and had lost great issues and amercements because the do not account for the said feefarm contrary to all conscience. Whereupon the premises considered. It is ordained by authority of the said Parliament that from henceforth they be discharged of the said account and any issues and amercements adjudged and lost in the said Exchequer by reason of the said account from the time said Thomas entered into the said manors or lordships, the said Prior and brethren and their successors to be acquitted and clear thereof and at no time to be impeached for the said fee farm nor the said issues and amercements whether they be assigned or not assigned. And the sheriff or sheriffs of the county of Dublin for the time being by the same authority shamm be discharged of the same issues and amercements as well towards the King as towards every other person whomsoever - see IRELAND/2/19-20-Edward-4/739.

- 1480 Richard Duke of Gloucester to John Howard, Knight Lord Howard, Margaret his wife, Henry Wentworth, Knight, John Wode of Molsey, Esq. John Clopton, Esq., Henry Colet citizen and alderman of London, James Hubert, Edward Danyell, John Brame, William Capell, John Draper and Thomas Appelton Manor and lordship of Wevenhoo (Essex) 20 Edw IV - These documents are held at Norfolk Record Office Charter - Quitclaim Hare 6060 227 x 6 1 Jan 1480/81.

- 1480 Henry Daniell - Stanhowe maner 'alias vocat', Marches maner extent Kyngeshall ten - Norfolk - see IQMS/19-Edward-4/68.

- 1480c Thomas Danyell had trouble with his servants in Cheshire - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1480-1 Thomas Danyell sheriff of London with william Bacon.

- 1481 start of second volume of John Howard's contemporary accounts - see CRAWFORDB.

- 1481 Richard Daniel and Robert Daniel in an index with both entries referring to leef 3, probably a page in another books - see CRAWFORDB/2/14.

- 1481 24/3 my Lord paid Maister Daniel that he toke to the maister of the Xpofer of Brykelsey 2s - [this master Danyell is unlikely to be the same as the master Danyell in the 1460s - John Howard's brother in law Thomas Danyell was likely to have been master Danyell in the 1460s - by the 1480s Thomas Danyell had a major role in Ireland and was soon to die (in or before 1482) - it is probable that master Danyell was Edmund Danyell son of Thomas - Edmund Danyell was certainly a senior retainer of John Howard and was later to be executor of the will of the dowager duchess of Norfolk - alternatively master Danyell might be Henry or George Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/28.

- 1481 25/3 my Lord toke Robard Daniel for preste 10s [preste is pay for military service] - my Lord toke Richard Daniel for preste 10s - see CRAWFORDB/2/29.

- 1481 25/3 Richard Daniel rec of my Lord 10s - afore Yarmouth 3s 4d - and he hath his jaket - the 13 day of August he rec 5s - Daniel of Barfolde his broder rec 10s, and he hath his jakete - ["Daniel his broder" may mean "Daniel's brother" (it is an old form of this construct) and not mean that he was brother of Richard Daniel in the previous entry] - see CRAWFORDB/2/259.

- 1481 4/4 to George Daniel 5d - see CRAWFORDB/2/34.

- 1481 10/4 list of people going to sea with Howard on way to Scotland include Edmond Danyel + 3 men [near head of list with sons in law of John Howard] and a bit lower George Daniel and John Gorges and much further down two other Danyels - see CRAWFORDB/2/5-6.

- 1481 10/4 list or retinue headed by Edmond Daniel with 5 men? and foillowed by William Wingfield, Erdiswik, Richard Knyvet, Edmond Gorges, Howith etc - later in list are two other Daniels - [the fact that Edmund Daniel headed the list of retainers lends credence to the idea that he was master Danyell referred to in the 1980s though clearly not the master Danyell of the 1460s] - see CRAWFORDB/2/247-8.

- 1481 15/4 to Mayster Daniel for that he leyd owte 5d - to Mayster Danyelles man 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/49.

- 1481 28/4 Edmond Daniel, him selff and 4 men (in margin says his men are in xxv leef [not part of existing books] - he has received his jaketes, a cheef of arowes, a peir splentes - the 27/3 he received 10s - also he received of Thomson for goonepoder 43s - Md that Maister Daniel is al paid for 14 wekes for his men, and Sampson men ar paid for 14 vekes 18s a man - see CRAWFORDB/2/249.

- 1481 2/5 to the maryners of the Mary, that brought up Maister Daniel 4s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/60.

- 1481 2/5 William Hyde - he hath rec of Edmond Daniel, gentilman 10s - John Wellys - he hath receved of Edmond Daniel 10s - see CRAWFORDB/2/271.

- 1481 5/5 to George Daniel that he leid owte 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/62.

- 1481 5/5 paid to Maister Daniel for caryage 10 wey 12 blls salt 2s 6d - see CRAWFORDB/2/63.

- 1481 5/5 to George Daniel that he toke to Dalle, laborer, for wages 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/64.

- 1481 7/5 to Maister Daniel that he toke to Tayleboys for horsemete 3s - see CRAWFORDB/2/65.

- 1481 10/5 to George Daniel that he toke to the maryners - see CRAWFORDB/2/69.

- 1481 14/5 to maister Daniel for havyng owte salt, and for money leid owte 6s - see CRAWFORDB/2/70.

- 1481 1/6 my Lord sent him [Robard Mortemer] more jakets by Maister Daniel - see CRAWFORDB/2/252.

- 1481 14/6 toke Danyel, of Barfolde 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/78.

- 1481 24/6 my Lord sent him [Robard Mortemer] more jakets by Maister I toke Daniel for wages 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/79.

- 1481 ??/6 my Lady paid George Daniel for al percels that he leid owte at Harwich, bote and al, and for costes to London and hors here and home agen, and the men that were with the horsses, and almis and every thing, the Summa of 23s 11d - see CRAWFORDB/2/98.

- 1481 17/7 I toke to maister Daniel that he laid owte 10s - see CRAWFORDB/2/82.

- 1481 17/7 I toke to Mr Daniel that he leid owte 7s 2d - similar entry for Maister Gorge on same page - see CRAWFORDB/2/87.

- 1481 20/7 my Lady paid Oliver Daniel, that my Lord had borrowed of him 33li 6s 8d - [note the very large amount - who was this Oliver who could lend that amount] - see CRAWFORDB/2/98.

- 1481 13/8 I toke Maister Daniel to pay 3 mens wages 24s - see CRAWFORDB/2/90.

- 1481 13/8 Daniel, of Barfolde - my lord toke him 8s - see CRAWFORDB/2/92.

- 1481 16/8 to Maister Daniel man 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/92.

- 1481 24/8 Maister Daniel to by clothe at the feyre, coton russet.....goodes: every goode.... - see CRAWFORDB/2/99.

- 1481 29/8 Maister Daniel - I toke him 16s - see CRAWFORDB/2/102.

- 1481 21/10 my Lord toke Herry Maynveryng for wages, by Maister Danyelles handes 10s - for mayster Dannyelles horssis 4d - and of this my lord toke Mayster Danyell that he receyved of Danke 40s - see CRAWFORDB/2/121.

- 1481 16/11 and this day my Lord rekyned with master Danyell, that be axyth alowance for that he hath leyd owghte sen my Lord come to London: fyrst for his costs to the Hyth 5d - then a list of payments presumably made by Danyell - see CRAWFORDB/2/128.

- 1481 16-20/11 Maister Daniel - I toke him paid to master Danyell 2s - to master Danyel for bote hire 6d - see CRAWFORDB/2/131.

- 1481 25/11 to Master Danyell for goyng downe to Grenwych, for the mennys costes 3s - see CRAWFORDB/2/132.

- 1481 27/11 my Lord payd to William Danyell for Tymperleys [son in law of John Howard] dete 4li - see CRAWFORDB/2/133.

- 1481 28/11 my Lord paid to master Danyell 5s - see CRAWFORDB/2/134.

- 1481 28/11 paid to good man of Whight Hart at Stepneth - for 3 horse of Master Danyelles stondyng 16 dayes 3s 3d - see CRAWFORDB/2/135-6.

- 1481 28/11 for 3 horse of master Danyelles 12d - see CRAWFORDB/2/137.

- 1481 6/12 for 3 horse of master Danyelles and the same day, my Lord paid to master Danyell that he toke Kechyn for a doo 20d - see CRAWFORDB/2/138.

- 1481 9/12 and the same day my Lord toke master Danyell to take Jhon Wales on his wages 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/139.

- 1481 8/5 - pardon to Thomas Danyell and William Bacon sheriffs of London, alias sheriffs of Middlesex, for the escape of John Geffrey late of London wyredresser, prisoner in Newgate gaol - Westminster - PATENT/Edward-4/3/270.

- 1482 Thomas Danyel of Frodsham Cheshire. Lord of Rathwyre died c1482. - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1482 Thomas Danyell - his lands in Ireland were granted to Thomas FitzJames - see WEDGEWOOD.

- 1482 14/5 - Thomas Danyell - Grant for life to Thomas Fitzgarard alias Fits Morys, son of the king's kinsman Thomas, late Earl of Kildare, for his good service against the Irish, of the manors or lordships of Ardemulghan and Belgard, county Meath, with advowsons, courts, leets, views of frank-pledge, customs, marriages, wards, reliefs, escheats and other free customs, which Thomas Danyell, deceased, lately had of the king's grant, provided that he do not receive therefrom more than 44l yearly - by ps - Westminster - checked - see STATEEdward-4/2/341.

- 1482 11/1 and had of maister Danyel upon rekning 13s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/151.

- 1482 16/1 whereof Lalford received afore Xpemes of maister Daniel 10s - see CRAWFORDB/2/152.

- 1482 27/1 to maister Danyel money leid owte 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/156.

- 1482 16/2 my Lord gaf to his nepvew Maister Nevile 10s - [included to show Howard referring to a non Danyel nephew] - see CRAWFORDB/2/163.

- 1482 22/2 to maister Daniel for costes to Harwich and to Epswych 3s 4d - maister Daniel for his costes to Harwich 3s - see CRAWFORDB/2/163.

- 1482 5/3 I toke to maister Daniel for his costes to Harwich 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/166.

- 1482 12/3 toke maister Daniel for his costes to Eppswich, and that he toke to Edward Gauge to have home wyn 3s - 5s 6d - to maister Daniel to ryd to Eppswich for becausse of the wyn 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/167.

- 1482 31/3 maister Daniel brother hors mete 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/174.

- 1482 1/4 toke to Maister Danyel that he had leid owte 20d - see CRAWFORDB/2/179.

- 1482 9/4 my Lady toke to master Danyell - see CRAWFORDB/2/185.

- 1482 25/4 Maister Danyel - I toke hym that he toke to Pakman for wages 10s - toke to maister Daniel to have out the theff, and to have home the nage 4s - that is for hors mete 3s 9d, and for bording 2s 2d, and for maister Danie his hors 4d - another mention of nephew Nevil - see CRAWFORDB/2/183.

- 1482 18/5 Stephen Howith - that he delyverd to master Danyell, as it perith be a bill of sertayne somes paied for my Lord 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/193.

- 1482 21/5 my Lord assygnyd Cole to take mayster Danyell 13s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/195.

- 1482 30/5 Mayster Danyell - this day my Lord rekenyd with mayster Danyell, for his beying at Herwiche in Aprille be my Lordes commaundement, for this perseles folewyng - then follows list of about 30 items followed by summary - summa toatall 38s 4d - of the which Mayster Danyell recevid of my Lady 6s. And of Cole, of London, by my Lordes comaundement, 13s 4d. And the remenaunt my Lord payd hym this day; so he ys al content with that my Lord toke hym more, which was 24s - see CRAWFORDB/2/201-2.

- 1482 31/5 delyvered to master Danyell 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/204.

- 1482 14/6 Master Danyell - these be the percellis that master Danyell leyde owte from the last day of May, untell the 11 day of June - then follows list of about 6 items concerning journey from Stoke to Stoke Doyle, followed by total - see CRAWFORDB/2/205.

- 1482 26/6 Danyel - in the month of Jewen, my nevew Danyel ad of my mony at Cambridge, comenge homeward, a pone a rekenenge 50s - and at a noder tyme in the same month 11li 10s - and the 25 June, Brame toke to my nevew be my bedenge 20s - [this gives important prove that Margaret sister of John Howard had a least one son by her husband Thomas Danyell and this son was alive in 1482] - see CRAWFORDB/2/209.

- 1482 13/7 M Danyell - my Lord paied to master Danyell by the handes of Thomas Seynclow for mony leid owte 14d - see CRAWFORDB/2/217.

- 1482 31/7 Master Edmond Daniell - a rekenenge made with Master Edmond Danyell and he axeth alowance for wyn paid for my Lord at Bury 2d - that he paid at Norwiche be my Lordes comaundemente to a man 8d - for a gowne for his childe 20d - for that he paid at my Master, Sir Thomas, to the carpenters 12d - there to the glaciers 8d - at Loppam for dryngyge 4d - summa 5s 2d paid him this same day, be the handis of Thomas Seynclow 5s 2d - wher my Lord toke hym, the 27 day of July, 10s for to reken fore, he spent it in suche percelles as foloeth - ferst, for his costes and his men to Wevenho 8d - to the carters the same day 4d - to the parker of Neyland 20d - to the walkeres [footmen?] 8d - to the parker of Bures and to his wiff 6s 8d - to Somer of Neyland 2d - summa 10s 2d - see CRAWFORDB/2/225.

- 1482 7-11/8 my Lady gaff to the crystenyng of mastyr Gorgis chylde at Stoke - my Lord paied to master Danyell for that he toke to Stephyn Howith for wages at Stoke the 2/8 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/282.

- 1482 20/8 M Danyell - for a payre of new carte wheles to Danyell of Hadleigh 7s - see CRAWFORDB/2/230.

- 1482 27/8 Mr Danyell - my Lord paied to Mr Danyell at London, that he paied for coshons 2s - see CRAWFORDB/2/284.

- 1482 30/8 M Danyell - payed to Danyell, mason, for a nother parayll for a chymny, paied by T Seynclow, cont 9 peces 20s - see CRAWFORDB/2/285.

- 1482 13/9 my Lord paied to Master Danyell that he paied for his soper at Hawkyns 2s 8d - and for 6 other items at Bedlem, Stepeney, Brendwode, Becham and Chemysford - summa 3li 5s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/290.

- 1482 10-13/10 he delyverd my Lord 2 cranes of good, and my [Lord] paied hym 15d; and and my Lord and master Danyell were even 40s which summa was paid at Ypswiche be the handes of master Daneel - my Lod delyverd to Thomas Lalford, to go with all be Goddes grace to Bordeux, be the handes of master Danyell, in crownes 8s 7d - Gawge and Patton - Md that Edward Gawge and Willm Patton hath resseyved, be the handes of master Danyell, the Monday before Myhelmesse day, as it perith be a byll, 7 wey salt, for bye whete for my Lordes howsold - Walworth - my Lord paied to Walworth, of Ypswiche, for bryke that he delyverd to Edward Gawge, be the handes of master Danyell - see CRAWFORDB/2/296.

- 1482 11/10 my Lord paied to master Danyell, that he toke to Clegge to bere to Wady to Colchester for wages 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/302.

- 1482 12/10 Mr Danyell brout my Lord the rekenynge of the Barbera as foloyth - list of 8 items - sm rec... - ther was rec of Power by Mast Danyell 40s - see CRAWFORDB/2/294.

- 1482 ??/10 list in alphabetic order includes Edmond Daniel and two other Daniels - the list was probably an index to another book - see CRAWFORDB/2/239.

- 1482 30/11 master Danyell toke them [the joyners] on Sonday last past 12d and this day my Lord toke them 4s 4d and so thei have in all 3li - see CRAWFORDB/2/320.

- 1482 30/11 Mr Danyell - my Lord paied to master Danyell that he paied at Manytre for his soper and Arnoldes 5d - and a list of other items at Harwich and Mantyre - my lord toke hym for his costes to ride on his arende to London 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/321.

- 1482 5/12 my Lord hath ress of hym [of Nicholas Morton] be the handes of master Danyell 15li - my Lord hath ress of hym, by the handes of master Danyell 8 peces of fustayns, the yerde 5d - see CRAWFORDB/2/323.

- 1482 19/12 my Lord came home agen to his dener; and these be parcelles that my Lord spent while he was there, paid be master Danyell - followed by long list of expences - see CRAWFORDB/2/327-8.

- 1482 19/12 M Danyell - and so Wateken, bocher, schal sende me fore my 4 makes 20 good wedderes to Brames place at Boxtsed; the moste be worthe 2s 8d a pese - and besides all this, my Lord toke to Master Danyell 13s 5d and so my Lord owyth hym 10s saff 1d which my Lord paid him forthwith 10d - see CRAWFORDB/2/328.

- 1482 23/12 my Lord paid to Master Danyell for 3 pewter bassynes 3s 6d and for his costs to Colchester 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/331.

- 1482 24/12 Willm Danyell - my Lord paied to Willm Danyell for 6 dayes werke 12d - see CRAWFORDB/2/332.

- 1482 Edmund and Grace Danyell - Grace became sole heir [of Baynards] she married before her fathers death to Thomas Langley, she took as second husband Edmund Daniel esquire son of Sir Thomas Daniel (Baron of Rathware in Ireland and Lord Deputy there under Edward IV) by Margaret his wife sister to John Howard, Duke of Norfolk - see MORANT/1/176.

- 1482 Edmund and Grace Danyell - Grace was widow of Thomas Langley in 1480 - she had married Edmund Danyell by 1482 when they jointly held a monor court at great and Little Birch - see MORANT/1/182.

- 1483 ?/6 John Howard became Duke of Norfolk 6/1483.

- 1483 On 10 October [1483], Howard sent a second messenger into Kent and on the following day despatched some of his most reliable men under his nephew, Thomas Daniel, to Gravesend to rally local loyalists.. - [by 1483 this Thomas Danyell could not be John Howard's brother in law so must be some other relation of Thomas Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/xxi.

- 1483 15/1 Master Danyell - thes yes the costes that my Lord spente at Seynt Osseyes, and at Colchester, the tyme and day abowe wretyn, leyde owte be Master Danyell, whiche my Lord hath alowyd hym - with list of items including Danyelles horse summa totall 18s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/341-2.

- 1483 19/1 my Lord departed toward London to the Parlement, at whiche season he delyvered to Thomas Seynclow, be his own handes, and be the handes of Master Danyell - see CRAWFORDB/2/346.

- 1483 23/1 Danyell - my Lord paied to Master Danyell, for his costes, and the horse to Stoke ward 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/347.

- 1483 14/2 Danyell - when Master Danyell cam from Stoke [to White Hart Stepney] for 3 horse 3 dayes 9d - for Mr Danyelles 3 horse, eche of them 4 dayes ferst and last 16d - see CRAWFORDB/2/355.

- 1483 14/2 Deliverd to Master Danyell at 2 tymes, by the handis of Thomas Seynclow, uppon a rekenenge 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/356.

- 1483 13/3 ferst to Danyell of Stoke, for a moton 19dd - see CRAWFORDB/2/363.

- 1483 15/3 M Danyell - my Lord rekened with master Danyell, and he axseth for his beytenge at Breynford - followed by list of items - sum 10s 4d - whereof he resseyved by the handes of Thomas Seynclow 3s 4d and this day my Lord content hym 7s and so he is content - see CRAWFORDB/2/367-8.

- 1483 21/3 M Danyell - Master Danyell paied to Laurens of Prise for that he had laid owt for costes for the yren, and the borde 2s - which my Lord paied hym ageyn this same day - see CRAWFORDB/2/372.

- 1483 5/4 M Danyell - my Lord toke to M Danyell for to take to Hunt, the armorer, to with emery [clean armour] 20d - see CRAWFORDB/2/379.

- 1483 5/4 M Danyell - to master Danyell for bothyre 12d - to master Danyell for offerynge 4d and for bote hire 18d - see CRAWFORDB/2/384.

- 1483 5/4 to Master Danyell for bothyr 18d - paid for master Danyelles horsemet at Westmyster 11d - see CRAWFORDB/2/385.

- 1483 5/4 paid to Master Danyell that he toke my Lord at Wyndyshor for offeringe 4d - paid to Master Danyell for 2 men goyng uppe and downe to Westmynster to my Lord 6d - paid to master Danyell to go with to Stoke 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/386-7.

- 1483 2/6 paied be the handes of Thomas Seynclow to Master Danyell, that he toke to my Lady for 3 offerynge dayes at seynt Antolynes 12d - see CRAWFORDB/2/398.

- 1483 30/6 whereof the catour ress be the hands of George Danyell 10li - see CRAWFORDB/2/405.

- 1483 1/7 M Danyell - Master Danyell axith a lowance for bothire 2s 6d - a nother tyme he axith 20d - a nother tyme 2s - that he paid 28/6 20d - see CRAWFORDB/2/407.

- 1483 4-9/7 the Catour rec of Master Danyell for howsold this day 3l - the same day, Gorge Danyell toke the catour 20s - the same day (9/7) Gorge Danyell delyverd to the baker 7 qtr of whete and 6 bz price the qrtr 12s - 4l 13s - see CRAWFORDB/2/408.

- 1483 14-19/7 delyverd to the catour be the handes of Gorge Danyell 6l 13s 4d - 7/19 my Lord paid his bere brewer be the handes of Master Danyell, in parte of payment of a more summa 7li - see CRAWFORDB/2/409.

- 1483 11/8 my Lord toke Master Danyell for a bonet for my Lord 3s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/424.

- 1483 11/8 Jorge Danyell - to Jorge Danyell for the howsold at London a pon rekyning 3li - see CRAWFORDB/2/426.

- 1483 13/8 in list of horses stondyng at Colchester - there Rychard Danyelle horse stode, and he rec for them 10 horsse 10d - see CRAWFORDB/2/428.

- 1483 18/8 Master Danyell paid at Thorpe [residence of Earl of Surrey] to the kokes for a reward 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/437.

- 1483 19/8 my Lord toke Master Danyell for a bonet for my Lord 3s my Lord came to Norwich, wher Master Danyell paid fyrst to the fryeris 26s 8d - then list of items - summa 10li 9s 5d - see CRAWFORDB/2/447-8.

- 1483 22/8 the steward paid for my Lord master Danyell 6 - see CRAWFORDB/2/449.

- 1483 24/8 Master Danyell rekynyng - Md here folewyth the reyseytes of Master Danyell - first, he rec, 16/8 be the handys of Thomas Seynclow, which was rec of Cherchaw of Stratford 40s - 17/8 he rec at Ippswich of Frossall, be the handys of the said Thomas 7li - 18/8 he rec of Penley, be his own handys, at Thoepe 40s - 20/8 he rec of Penley at Norwich, be his own handys 3li 93 6d - 20/8 he rec at Norwich, be his owne handys, of James Howbard 10li - 21/8, he rec at Walysngham, be his owne handys, of my Lord 5li - 23/8 he rec of my Lord at Thetford, be his owne handys, of my Lord 4li 6s 8d - 23/8 he rec of my Lord at Bury, be his owne handys 5li - 24/8 he rec of my Lord at Lavenham, be his owne handys 3li 6s 8d - 24/8 he rec of my Lord at Stoke Nayland 26s 8d - he most a count, which was delyverd be his owne handys at Stoke, that he had of my Lord to take the catour 20s - my Lord delyverd hym more when his grace came to Stoke fro Walsyngham - summa totall of his resseytes 47li 9s 6d - this and following three represent major reckoning with Howard and shows he performed some major roles for Howard - see CRAWFORDB/2/444-5.

- 1483 26/8 the exspences off horsemete paid be Master Danyell, as here after folewith in my Lordys goyng to Walsyngham the 26 day of August in the fyrst yere of kyng Richard the 3 - followed by list of items but difficult to tell which covered by Danyell - see CRAWFORDB/2/450-3.

- 1483 27/8 payments paid be Master Danyell be the camaundment of my Lord - another list of items including trips to Ipswich and Framyngham and a variety of items with summa 6li 13s 11d - see CRAWFORDB/2/445.

- 1483 28/8 my Lord departyd from Aschewell Thorppe [home of Earl of Surrey's father in law] wheras Master Danyell paid, be my Lordys camaudment, at his said departynge in rewardyng the cokes 6s 8d - and 7 similar items - see CRAWFORDB/2/446-7.

- 1483 1-5/9 to Master Danyell for 4 peyer of schois for chelderne of the kechyn 20d - the moryn nexst after my Lord came to the towne my Lord delyverd to Master Danyell to take the catour 40s - see CRAWFORDB/2/440.

- 1483 10/9 M Danyell - my Lord yave to Master Danyells man 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/442.

- 1483 12/9 in primis, paid be the handes of the steward to Rycharde Danyell for his costes to London with my Lord, for his horse and his horse stondyng in London 10 dayes 2s - see CRAWFORDB/2/443.

- 1483 12-15/9 my Lord departed owte of London in to Sussex, and master Danyell resseyved of my Lordys resseyver, callyd Ovy, at london 4li 13s 4d - the same day he resseyvid of my Lord 10li - and the said Master Danyell resseyved of my Lord at Horsham, the 15 day 5li - he rec more of my Lord ay Reygat, the same day 40li - summa 25li 12s 4d - whereof he payde, the said Fryday, to Rychard Danyell for his horse mete fro Stoke to London 4d and for his horse mete stondyng in London 10 dayes 20d summa 2s - see CRAWFORDB/2/453.

- 1483 16/9 Rychard Danyell - to Rychard Danyell and James Bordman for ther horsmete 18d - to M Steward and his man, and his brotheres man: for Fynche, Giles Seynclow, Sebryght, Jhon Kyng, 2 childerne of the botrey and the kechyn 18d - see CRAWFORDB/2/459.

- 1483 19/9 to Rychard Danyell to go home 5s - see CRAWFORDB/2/462.

- 1483 20-22/9 that [Thomas Thorpe] toke Master Danyell that he toke a mason and a carpenter that came fro Westmenster, for ther rewards and ther costes 10s - Jorge Danyell - to Jorge Danyell that he toke Lekenores man for hryngyng of a boke 2s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/463.

- 1483 9/10 my Lord paide to Jorge Danyell, to pay to a hosyer for a peyer of hosyn for Holte, and a nother for the somter man 4s 4d - see CRAWFORDB/2/465.

- 1483 9/10 my Lord delyverd Master Danyell a pon his rekynyng - and my Lorde delyverd hym to pay wages whit, as hit aperethe be ther names folewyth 22li - followed by very long list of payments with named individuals including Richard Danyell 6s 8d - see CRAWFORDB/2/468.

- 1483 11/10 to Thomas Frowyke, to go to Gravys ende - and for Thomas Danyell and for 5 men with them 10li 6s 8d - one of a group of entries about people going to Gravesend - [note this Thomas Danyell appearing after the death of John Howard's brother in law Thomas Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/2/471.

- 1483 15/10 my Lord paid to master Danyell all thes percelles folewyng - followed by varied list of items - see CRAWFORDB/2/472.

- 1483 15/10 my Lord owythe all thes parcelles as folewyth to M Danyell 15/10 - followed by lists of items including trips to Reygat and Neyschfeld and boat hire to fetch people - Master Danyell rec of my Lord 14/10 30 crownes - followed by lists of items including 8s to Edward Danyell for hernes - [note appearance of an Edward Danyell] - see CRAWFORDB/2/473.

- 1483 19/10 my Lord delyverd to Master Danyell 1li whereof he paid all thes percelles as folewyth and 14s 8d - 1li - followed by a very long list (4 pages) of items - including to Edmund Danyell for his horse for 14 days 2s 4d, for 4 horse for 14 dayes 9s 4d, for 2 horse for 7 dayes 2s 4d, and as it appereth by a byll 17s - including to Jorge Danyell for 4 horses for 10 days 6s 8d - including to Richard Danyell for his horse for 28 dayes 4s 8d and for Reygate 6d - see CRAWFORDB/2/474-9.

- 1483 20/10 my Lord toke Master Danyell 5li - see CRAWFORDB/2/479.

- 1483 5/8 George Danyell - grant during pleasure to George Danyell of the office of bailiff of the king's lordship of Cokeham and Bray in Bedfordshire with the accustomed fees - Westminster - see PATENT/Richard-3/461.

- 1484 26/2 lists of men available for the King - Edmunde Daniell heads a list (probably of retainers) with John Tymperley - another list headed by Edward Daniell and his man - later in this list is George Daniell and 13 men - late in another list is Ric Daniell - see CRAWFORDB/2/479.

- 1484 .... fourth, in London, by the hand of Edmund Danyell, .... - see CRAWFORDB/lvii.

- 1484 end of second volume of John Howard's contemporary accounts - see CRAWFORDB.

- 1484 Edmund Daniell - Thomas Peyton of Isleham: his grandfather Thomas Peyton esquire enfeoffed Edmund Daniell and others of manors of Peyton Hall etc for benefit of trustees - see IQMS/1-Richard-3.

- 1485 ?/8 John Howard Duke of Norfolk was killed at Battle of Bosworth Field.

- 1485 William Danyell of Felstead - 20 November, 1st Henry 7 - Feoffment by John Colvyle and Thomas Stafford of Chelmesford, co. Essex, to Joan Herlyng of Chelmesford, widow, late the wife of Guy Herlyng of the same, Robert Plomer and Thomas Sall, gentlemen, Richard Pratte, Thomas Tendryng, bailiff, Thomas Chalke, 'draper,' John Cornyssh the elder, 'mercer,' John Chartesey the elder, John Munde, 'mercer,' John Holdeyn, 'fuller,' William Munde son of the said John Munde, Thomas Harry otherwise called Salmon, Thomas Laurence, 'carpenter,' John Love and Richard Bygmore of Chelmesford, 'shomaker,' of the manor or tenement called 'Glamvyles' and the tenement called 'Enfeldys' in the parish of Felsted, in the said county; also all other lands, etc to the same belonging in the parishes of Felsted, Chelmesford and Spryngfeld or elsewhere in the said county; all which they had by the gift and feoffment (A. 7710) of the said Joan. Witnesses:—William Danyell, Robert Downeham, John Elys, William Carre, John Byglon, William Bysshop, Richard Maryon, William Eve, Robert Wolston, William Heyward and William Tyler - 'Deeds: A.7701 - A.7800', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 4 (1902), pp. 202-218. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64392 - Essex A7712.

- 1486 2/10 Thomas Danyell of Daresbury - 1 Robert Nedeham, bro of John Nedeham, kt 2 Hugh Grymesdiche, son of Ranulph Grymesdiche Lease for 51 years from 1 to 2, wife Johanna and sons John and Thomas, of a hall called Hallom in Newton iuxta Daresbury, and land in Hatton iuxta Daresbury; with powers of distraint and re-entry Witnesses: William Stanley, kt, chamberlain of Chester; Peter Werberton esq, Thomas Danyell of Daresbury esq - These documents are held at Warrington Library, Museum and Archives Service - MS 324 1486 - Related information: [See MS 76 no.25]

- 1486 from Oliver Danyell skynner by agreement 3li 6s 8d in recept by Treasurer - see Materials for History of Henry 7 by Campbell page 93.

- 1486 Edmund Danyell - pardon to Edmund Danyell, late of London gentleman, alias Edmund Danyell of Messing, alias Edmund Danyell late of Stoke, Suffolk, alias Edmund Danyell late Denham, or by whatever name he may be known, of all his debts before 7/11/1485 - Great Seal - see GOLDSBOROUGH.

- 1488 6/5 - Edmund Danyell late of London gentilman 6/5/1488 for not appearing before the King to answer a plea by Richard Cohen knight touching a trespass by him with Edward Nevyll of London esquire [he and Edmund were probably sons of two sisters], John Thorpe late of London gentilman, John Norbury late of Suthwerk county Suffolk knight and Thomas Lynam late of London gentilman see Calendar of Patent Rolls - Westminster - see PATENT/Henry-8.

- 1489 26/10 Henry Danyell - indenture made between Henry Wyot esquire and Robert Stowe whereby the said Robert, Sir Robert Radclyff, William Dallyng parson of Over, Henry Danyell and Alan Lewes, once enfeoffed to the use of Robert Stowe, of all such lands and tenements etc in Methwold and Feltwell county Norfolk formerly of Thomas Dytton according to whose will a priest shall be appointed to sing masses yearly for the soul of the said Thomas and Joan his wife out of the profits of these lands, but where certain persons pretend to claim these lands to the disinheritance of Robert and in breach of the will, Robert in view of his own poverty has sold them to Henry Wyot, to find the same priest and to discharge his debts, delivering all muniments to him concerning the same and all feoffes shall now be enfeoffed to the use of Henry Wyot after estate made to him and Henry promises to pay a yearly priest to accomplish the will of Thomas - in witness wjereof etc - memorandum of acknowledgement 16/4/1490 - 26/10 - see CLOSE509.

- 1493 John Daniell - Thomas Peyton of Isleham - John Danyell and others seized of manors of Peyton Hall etc - see IQMS/8-Henry-7.

- 1493 Thomas de Anyers of Over Tabley who took possession of Cherry Tree Hurst in Lymme, as next heir, upon the decease, in 1493, of Thomas Daniell, the last heir of that family. The matter was not, however, fully settled until the arrival of William Hill, prebendary of Lichfield, 23rd Henry 8, when William Daniell of Longden, in Staffordshire, who claimed as next heir to Faniell of Lymme, as son of William, brother of John Daniell, late of Cherry Tree Hurst, conveyed all his right to these lands to Thomas de Anyers esquire, grandson of this Thomas - see a genealogical and heraldic history of the commoners of Great Britain page 44.

- 1494 Edmund Daniel esquire and Thomas Swayne vicar of church of Stoke Neyland were executors of Margaret daughter of Sir John Chedworth knight second wife of Duke of Norfolk, will dated 13/5/1490, probate 3/12/1494, supervisor of will was her son in law [stepson] Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey - she had child Catherine married to John Bourchier, Lord Berners [this trust of Edmund Danyell indicates a close connection between Edmund and the dowager Duchess]- see COLLINS/1/65.

- 1494 Thomas Daniel - William Daniel, Baron of Rathwyre (2nd S. v. 31.) — I am not aware of any Daniel, of this Christian name, having ever been so styled; but I learn from my Westmeath MSS. Collections that King Edward IV. granted the ancient manor of Rathwyre (which had previously appertained to Mortimer Earl of March, and subsequently to the powerful family of D'Arcy), to Thomas Daniel, Knight, styled, territorially, Lord and Baron of Rathwyre, to hold in tail male; together with other manors, and all knights' fees, advowsons of churches, wardships, etc. which (as the patent recites) had come to the Crown by an Act of Resumption. This Thomas Daniel appears to me to be the same who incurred the displeasure of the Parliament of England, as appears by the Rolls; and the possessions so designed to enure to him and his descendants were reassumed by an Act of the tenth year of Henry VII.'s reign, which restored to William D'Arcy of Platten all his rights therein. It is unnecessary to add that the designations of lord or baron did not imply in such instances the existence of a peerage - the author of this note John d'Alton may have written DNB article for Thomas Daniel grandson of this Thomas Danyell - see NOTES/Series-2/109/97-30/1/1958.

- 1495 Richard Daniel of Hadleigh - see Essex will 1BW12.

- 1495 Thomas Daniel - William Daniel, Baron of Rathwyre (2nd S. v. 31.) — I am not aware of any Daniel, of this Christian name, having ever been so styled ; but I learn from my Westmeath AfSS. Collections that King Edward IV. granted the ancient manor of Rathwyre (which had previously appertained to Mortimer Earl of March, and subsequently to the powerful family of D'Arcy), to Thomca Daniel, Knight, styled, territorially, Lord and Baron of Rathwyre, to hold in tail male : together with other manors, and all knights' fees, advowsons of churches, wardships, etc which (as the patent recites) had come to the Crown by an Act of Resumption. This Thomas Daniel appears to me to be the same who incurred the displeasure of the Parliament of England, as appears by the Rolls ; and the possessions so designed to enure to him and his descendants were reassumed by an Act of the tenth year of Henry VII.'s reign, which restored to William D'Arcy of Platten all his rights therein. It is unnecessary to add that the designations of lord or baron did not imply in such instances the existence of a peerage - see Notes and Queries 2nd Series 109.

- 1497 Edmund Danyell v George Danyell junior.

- 1498 Henry (Robert?) Danyelle of Appultone Norfolk will dated 28/10/1498 mentions children Robert, James, Oliver, Henry, Johan, Alice and Elizabeth and wife Agnes sister of Henry Brawndie, executor? Robert Danyell, supervisor Edmund Danyel son and heir of Thomas Danyelle - see HARLEIAN/1/25 - see ADDMSS/19126.

- 1498 Edmunde Danyell of Stoke next Nayland, Suffolk - National Archives PCC will 19 December 1498 PROB 11/11

- 1498 Edmund Danyell of Stokenailand will dated 20/9/1498 Stoknailand visitation Stoknailand PROB 11/11(13th of Henry 7) proved 19/12/1498 mentions burial in Stoke Church beside Lord Berners the elder, church of Messynger, grey friars of Colchester, friars of Clare, wife Grace the rest and executrix, witnesses Thomas Swayne, vicar of Stokenailand, Sir Thomas Baker priest of said town, Richard Kenet gentleman, George Danyell junior and other - see National Archives PCC will 19 December 1498 PROB 11/11 - see HOWARD.

- 1498 12/12 14th Henry 7 - Bond by John Danyell, gentleman, of Deresbury, son and heir of Thomas Danyell, late of the same, deceased, to Sirs Robert Danyell and William Torbok, knights, and others, named, for 500l. for the observance of certain conditions contained in a grant by him to the other parties of the manor of Deresbury, with all his lands etc in Deresbury and Upper Walton, co. Chester, and in Accleston, Sutton, Raynehull and Larebrygge, co. Lancaster etc Cheshire and Lancashire - see Ancient Deeds, Series A E 40/5650.

- 1498 William and Thomasine Daniell - Margareting manor - John Bardfield and his son are said to have held it soon after. And the next heirs of the latter were his fathers two sisters vis Margaret wife of Robert Gedge and Thomasine wife of William Daniell - Inquisition Post Mortem 13th of Henry VII - on 5/6/1512 the said Margaret bought of William Reade half of the manor of Gynge, Margaret and Thomasine Daniell purchased the other half of the same William on 2/11 following - same for Newlands Hall - Letters Patent page 5. - see MORANT/1/53&74 - see IQPM/Henry-7/13th.

- 1498-9 Daniel - BA - Cambridge Alumni.

- 1499 12/12 14th Henry 7 - John Danyell of Deresbury - Scope and content Bond by John Danyell, gentleman, of Deresbury, son and heir of Thomas Danyell, late of the same, deceased, to Sirs Robert Danyell and William Torbok, knights, and others, named, for 500l. for the observance of certain conditions contained in a grant by him to the other parties of the manor of Deresbury, with all his lands etc in Deresbury and Upper Walton, co. Chester, and in Accleston, Sutton, Raynehull and Larebrygge, co. Lancaster etc Chesh. Lanc. - National Archives Kew E40/5650

- Daniels of Daresbury - Scope and content Book of transcripts of deeds and evidences concerning the manor of Daresbury and other lands in Cheshire, and the Daniell family. Covering dates Edw. III - Eliz. I - in Daniell papers: of John Daniell of Church Minshull and Daresbury, Cheshire. Described at item level Held by The National Archives, Kew - SP/46/56 Availability

- 1500 George Danyall - inquisition Post Mortem of William Tendring 15th of Henry VII - John Howard knight, Lord Howard, William Pyrton knight, Robert Askewe, William Askew, clerks and Roger S..ham yeoman seized of the manor of Herkestead and demised it to George Danyell esquire and Margaret his wife for the term of her life with remainder to William Tendring esquire - says what happened after death of Margaret - see IQPM/Henry-7/15th.

- 1501 1 August 16th Henry 7 - Grant by Robert Plomer the elder to Thomas Wode, chief justice of the king of the Common Bench, Robert Reed, one of the justices of the King's Bench, Richard Fytz Lowes, knight, John Mordaunte and Thomas Frowyk, serjeants-at-law, Robert Wodrove, Henry Hornby, Ralph Haymes and William Cawston, clerks, Richard Potyer and Thomas Wyburgh of a tenement in Sandon called 'Mepsales,' and of all the lands, etc in Sandon, Little Badowe and Danbery which Henry Danyell now holds to farm, also of all the land, etc called 'Southlond' in Sandon aforesaid; to hold, etc for the performance of his last will. Sandon - 'Deeds: C.5301 - C.5400', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 6 (1915), pp. 204-217. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64483 - Essex C5310.

- 1505 William Danyell - concerning Manewden manor county Essex - John Bassyngbourne gentleman, brother of Thomas Bassyngbourne esquire to John Wolaston clerk, Henry Walter and William Danyell and their heirs and assigns - see CLOSE/?/472&475&514.

- 1506 20/11 John Danyell - Confirmation to John Danyell, esquire, for life of the offices of parker of the park of le More and bailiff and steward of the manors of le More and Busshey, granted in survivorship to the said John and John Peke, esquire, now deceased, and the office of keeper of the manor of le More similarly granted to the said John Danyell for life, by John Veer earl of Oxford and Margaret his wife on 8 July, 19 Henry VII, the said earl and Margaret being seised of the premises in tail male, with remainder to the king. Also grant that if the said earl and countess die without issue male the said John Danyell shall have the said offices for life with wages of 10l a year, together with all other wages and profits - By K - by ps - at Westminster- see PATENT/2/521.

- 1507 29/4 John Danyell - Grant to John Veer, earl of Oxford, and John Veer, his kinsman, of the wardship and marriage of Elizabeth Trussell, sister and heir of John Trussell, son and heir of Edward Trussell, son and heir of William Trussell, knight. The said Elizabeth is to be married to the said John Veer, the king's servant and kinsman of the said earl, but if he die before the espousals the earl shall have her wardship and marriage, and if she refuse to be married as aforesaid the said earl and kinsman shall have the simple or double value of her marriage according to law, as the king would have in case of such refusal if the wardship remained in his hands, to be recovered upon her lands which are in the hands of the said grantees or of John Danyell - by ps - Lease to John Veer, earl of Oxford, John Veer, his kinsman, and John Danyell of the lands William Trussell, knight, Edward Trussell, his son and heir, and John Trussell, son and heir of the said Edward, all deceased, from Michaelmas last, during the minority of Elizabeth Trussell, sister and heir of the said John Trussell; subject to a rent of 387li 18s 4d, less the yearly value of any parcel of the lands which may be taken out of her possession by reason of office or inquisition or other interest, and less 20li a year for the maintenance of the said Elizabeth - by ps - at Westminster- see PATENT/2/542.

- 1507 Olyver Danyell, Skinner of London - National Archives PCC will 12 April 1507 PROB 11/15

- 1508 Grace Danyell v George Danyell junior.

- 1508 Edward Daniell v Grace Daniell.

- 1508 John Daniell v Grace Daniell.

- 1508 Katherine Daniell v Grace Daniell.

- 1508 Thomas Daniell v Grace Daniell.

- 1508 Edmund and Grace Daniel - ...but in the meantime Richard Baynard who died in 1473 is said to have held the manor of Knybso alias Baynards in the village of Mayland of John Payton by the service of a fourth part of a knights fee - Grace his only daughter and heir married first to Thomas Langley and afterwards to Edward [sic] Daniel, held the manor of Knibsie at the time of her decease the 2/1/1508 of Sir Robert Payton - John Daniel her son and heir held this manor of Knibsie alias Baynards of William Ayleff esquire as of his manor of Braxstede and dying the 5/9/1566 was succeeded by his son Edmund Danyell esquire who also held the same of William Ayloffe esquire and departed this life 16/12/1570 leaving John his son and heir - concerning Manor of Knipshe and Dredgers held by the Bourchier family - see MORANT/1/360-1 - IQMS/24-Henry-7&3-4-Philip+Mary&4-Elizabeth.

- 1509 Grace Danyell of Messing in parish of ? will Messing Ess PROB 11/16 dated 6/12/1508 proved 16/3/1508-9 mentions that she is to be buried in Stoke next to her husband, her arms and her husbands hung at Messing, sons Thomas, George and Edward and daughters Jane and Katherine, residue to son John.

- 1509 Grace Danyell widow writ 14/2 and inquisition 29/3 of 24th Henry VII - Henry Stamp gave manor of Messing and messuages in Messing Inneworth and Ferrying to Richard Baynard and heirs of his body - this descended to Grace Danyell as daughter and heiress - Henry Stampe gave manors of Kynnybso Brychehall and Brychecashell to Richard Baynard and Margaret his wife and the heirs of the body of Richard - Richard survived Margaret and on his death this descended to Grace Danyell - Grace died siesed in fee of Manor of Hardburght and messuages in Copford died 2/1 last - John Danyell aged 23 and more was son and heir - details given of manors - see IQMS.

- 1510 Thomas Cardigan to be paid the dower of his wife Margaret late wife of Edward Trussell out of money paid by John Earl of Oxford, John Veer cousin of same earl, and John Danyell for the wardship and marriage granted them by Henry 7 of Elizabeth daughter and heir of Edward son of Sir William Trussell - later John Veer married Elizabeth Trussell - see STATE.

- 1519 of your cheritie pray for the sowl of John Daniell of Felsted esquire and Margery his wife - which John died 7/10/1519 - see Pelham Furneux in the Diocese of London.

- 1519 John Danyell, gentleman of Felsted, Essex - gives as executors cousin John Danyell of Messing, nevews Dortons? Knyghtley, and William Knyghtley his brother, and wife Margery, also mentions daughter Mary and cousin Katherine Danyell, and lease of Felsted manor from Lady Thabbose?? - National Archives Kew PCC will 22 January 1519 PROB 11/19

- 1520 24 May, 11th Henry 8 - Bond by John Savage of Brysyngham, gentleman, and William Barun, of Holborne, co. Middlesex, 'ynholder,' to John Danyell of Dersbury, esquire, in 10l. at Midsummer next, conditioned for the payment of arrears due by Savage for his part of the manor of Brysyngham, less payments made by him 'for the due debte of the said John Danyell to the use of one Thomas Huntley as is soposid.' . Signed per me Jhon Savage - Memorandum to learne of Mr. Grymesdich what conveances my great graunfather made of the landes in Norffocke; and Mr. Seargeant Jenney sumtyme student of Lincolnes Inne did purchase the landes in Brysingham within named of the within named John Danyel. - 'Deeds: A.12901 - A.13000', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 5 (1906), pp. 405-425. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64452 - Norfolk A12973.

- 1522-98 Elizabeth Daniel brought Bures Hall near Holme Hale to the Bedingfields.

- 1523 Margery Danyell, Widow of Felsted, Essex - will mentions late husband John Danyell, daughter Mary, John Newporte husband of Mary, their daughter Grace Newporte under 21, chantry of Brewood in County of stafford, priory of Lyes, church of Stebbing in Essex, chape of Northend in Walthyn in Essex, church of Nanenby in Lincolnshire, church of Pelham, Katherine Danyell, executors well beloved cousin John Danyell of Messing and Master Edward FForoke? clerk, overseer?? John Newport - National Archives PCC will 24 April 1523 PROB 11/21

- 1527 18/10 18th Henry VIII, Counterpart of demise, by Thomas Danyell, of Dersbie, co. Chester, gentleman, son and heir apparent of John Danyell, and one of the coheirs of Roger Pilkyngton, to Maurice Osborne, of Kelmersche, co. Northampton, gentleman, in consideration of 10l. of his part and 'purpartie' of the manor of Clipston, with the advowson of the church, and all land, etc in Clipston and Kelmersche, from Michaelmas next for forty-one years, at a rent for the first six and a half years of 6d. 'if hit be laufully axed,' and thereafter of 30s. 6d.; covenants to sell to none but Maurice, and for return of money if title prove bad. English. Signed by me Maurice Osborn - 'Deeds: A.12701 - A.12800', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 5 (1906), pp. 366-386. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64450 Northampton A12715.

- 1529 27/10 - Manor of Willington: Common recovery - Exemplification of a Common Recovery with single voucher in which John Croke, Oliver Leder and William Jefson (demandants or plaintiffs), acting by their attorney Henry Joye, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, and Elizabeth his wife (tenants to the precipe or respondents), acting by their attorney William Knightley, Thomas Chapman (tenant in tail or first voucher), and Hugh Hunt (common disseisor), re the manor of Willington with the appurtenances, together with one thousand acres of land, one hundred acres of meadow, one hundred acres of pasture, two hundred acres of woodland and forty shillings in rent with the appurtenances in Willington. The document recites a writ dated 18 June 1529 (enrolled in Court of Kings Bench, roll 436 Bedfordshire, at Trinity Term 1529) naming John Dunton, Richard Sutton, summoner, Thomas Doo, Richard Roo, John Hampden, knight, sheriff as pledges for the prosecution, and Robert Brudenell as witness - A typescript full-text translation is stored with the document - These documents are held at Bedfordshire and Luton Archives and Record Service - Z 813/2 9 - Acc. no. 7891

- 1538 John Danyell of Woodham Ferrers, Essex - National Archives PCC will 27 December 1538 PROB 11/27

- 1538 Draft court roll of Fysshers and Brymfast - Court of Robert Aldrydge, provost of Eton. Geoffrey Danyell, deputy of Thomas Cromewell kt., lord Cromewell, chief steward - These documents are held at West Sussex Record Office File of court rolls, draft court rolls and allied papers Add Mss1737 17 June 1488 - 9 June 1553f. 7. 25 August 1538.

- 1537 James Danyell of Lynn, Norfolk - National Archives PCC will 03 November 1537 PROB 11/27.

- 1539 Henry Danyell - IQPM of Henry Danyel 30-31 Henry 8 DKR 10 App ii page 126.

- 1540c George Danyell gentleman versus William Flower, William Davy of Clare, and Henry Everard esquire concerning detention of deeds relating to messuages and land in Hundon (Honyden) whereof the plaintiff has bought half from said Davy - in Suffolk - see EARLY-CPS/VII/775.

- 1540c George Danyell gentleman versus Robert Stroud shereman of Clare concerning refusal to complete a sale of land in Stoke by Clare and Ashen partly paid for by aquitting defendant of a debt - in Suffolk and Essex - see EARLY-CPS/VII/775.

- 1540c James Danyell citizen and merchant of London brother and heir of Robert Danyell gentleman versus Elizabeth Danyell late the wife of said Robert - concerning messuage and land in Appleton and Grimstone - see EARLY-CPS/VIII/975.

- 1540c George Danyell and Dorothy his wife versus John Robsart and John son and heir of Richard Lambert concerning denial of justice in a suit for a messuage and land in said Robsart's manor of Bulcamp? and hindrance of repairs in order to prove forfeiture - see EARLY-CPS/VIII/977.

- 1550c George Daniel - George Daniel of Norfolk married Katherine Jeckle and had son Robert Daniel of London died 163 - see NORFOLK/3.

- 1552 Sir Edward Coke, lawyer, legal writer and politician, was born on 1 February 1552 at Mileham, Norfolk, the only surviving son of Robert Coke (1513-1561), lawyer and landowner of Mileham, and his wife Winifred (d.1569), daughter of William Knightley of Norwich - Tudor Effigies for Barbara Coke

- 1553 18/9 1st Mary - Letter of attorney by Thomas Danyell of Derresburye, co. Chester, esquire, cousin and next heir of Kateryn, late the wife of one Froste of the county of Essex, authorising John Danyell, his son and heir, to receive and dispose of all the messuages and lands etc in Essex or elsewhere in England, inherited by Thomas from the said Kateryn. 18 September - Memorandum that the said Thomas, within twenty days after the recovery of the said lands, shall make to the said John a sufficient assurance thereof in the law. Names of witnesses. - 'Deeds: A.5601 - A.5700', A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 3 (1900), pp. 199-212. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=64335 - A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 3 by H. C. Maxwell Lyte (editor) - Essex A 5619

- 1556 John Daniel widow of Messing - Essex will 80 WW12.

- 1558 George Danyell - Thomas Latham v George Danyell steward of Honor of Clare as to lands called Gynnes - see Duchy of Lancaster Calendar of Pleadings 1 Elizabeth 1 and Suffolk Records and MSS.

- 1563 William Daniel married at Stoke St M to Margery Kingson.

- 1563 13/10 George Daniel - will of George Daniel of Stoke next Clare refers to his manor of Stoke - entry for Erbury Manor Stoke - no other mention of this manor found by Copinger - see COPINGER/5/289.

- 1566 George Daniell or Danniell, Gentleman of Stoke next Clare, Suffolk - National Archives PCC will 05 November 1566 PROB 11/48

- 1569 Edmonnd Daniell or Danyell of Acton, Suffolk 11 November - National Archives PCC will 1569 PROB 11/51

- 1570c in reign of Queen Elizabeth, Anthony Bedingfield esquire 3rd son of Sir Henry Bedingfield of Oxburgh was lord, which Anthony = Elizabeth one of the daughters and coheirs of Ralph Danyel of Swaffham gentleman - the aforesaid Danyel held also a capital messuage here called Berrers or Bures Hall - Holm Hall - see BLOMEFIELD/6/9-10.

- 1570 Margaret Tyrell wife of John Daniel - see page 204 of Morants Essex Volume 1

- 1575 Alice Daniel widow of Messing - Essex will 153 BW12.

- 1614 John Daniell buried 4/5/1614 at Acton.

- 1619 Mr Daniel - worthy gentleman hard by who has been long abroad - in letter from James Howell to Daniel Caldwell - - Long Melford - see COPINGER/137.

- 1626 Elizabeth buried West Rudham wife of Robert Daniel of London merchant who died 1626 - see BLOMEFIELD/7/161.

- 1628 John Daniel - Acton - licence to alienate Rookwood Slo XXX11 59 Add 186 - probably references for Acton Suffolk.

- 1629 John Danyell - licence of entry to John Danyell son of Francis on lands in Suffolk 1629 Chancery 1b 43 App i page 127.

- 1636 Robert Daniel seized of manors of Ferrers and Northall in West Rudham with son and heir Robert aged five and wife Anne - see BLOMEFIELD/7/159.

- 1651 John and Edward Daniel - SP Cat of Comp 2887 - probably references for Acton Suffol.

- 1654 Edward Daniel - recusant SP Cat of Comp 3191 - probably references for Acton Suffol.

- 1654 John Daniel - Katherine late wife of John Daniell then wife of George Poulton SP Cat of Comp 3033 - probably references for Acton Suffol.

- 1662 Mr Edmund Daniell buried 5/4/1662 at Acton.

- 1680 Francis Daniell buried 10/1680 at Acton.

Notes for THOMAS DANIEL